原文

永安重峦复嶂，昔固盗薮，磜头山与乌禽、天字、清溪等嶂，员墩、黄沙等山，联络归善、海丰、长乐、河源、龙川等县，绵亘险阻。而磜头山故有铁冶，贼往往巢穴其中，分道出掠，官兵屡扑不能绝。贼穷辄还磜头，结寨自固，已复盘据五县。山谷中多良田，流民杂居易啸聚，出则贼多，归则贼少，皆近巢居民半为贼党故也。乘其未获，以大兵临之，乏食自困，乃可擒矣。古名、黄沙贼常伏乌禽嶂，出掠柘园，执求盗通判。蓝能贼复袭郡城外东平，欲席卷去，未至十里而曙觉，遂破涌口营鹿游冈，掳掠子女，责赎捆载而归。当是时，烟火达于谯橹，不能以一矢加遗，东西两江群盗遂炽。先是长乐、海丰之间，逃军坑有银穴，河源密坑亦有之，两处矿开，则豪民往往膻附。及封穴，所获不足，更费折阅，遂剡戟而起，奸民滭沸，乘衅俱发，索随和建名号者不可胜数。程乡、揭阳之盗，又澒洞其间，大群数千人，小群数百，凡数十百群。东至兴宁、长乐、程乡、揭阳，北至河源、龙川，西至博罗，南至海丰、归善，以及东莞，无不罹其锋者。永安其蹂躏之区也，执官吏，质坟墓，掳人民，室妻女，焚庐舍，据土田，死者以谷量泽若蕉，即欲假息城郭，岂能尽容。数村一垒，贼去则耕，至则闭垒而守，往往陷没。凡贼有大总、二总至于五总，亦曰满总、尾总，分哨为哨总。禽总，演禽者也。书总，掌书记者也。旗总，职志者也。纪纲诸事曰长干，众贼曰散班，其上有甲头。合数群有都总，凡大总死，谋所立，建所授皂旗，束以青茅，以次拜旗，拜而张，则立之矣。张则阴风飒飒，若有凭之者云。其祭旗用人，使目于旗而后杀之，渍旗以血，括其发为旄头焉。其长技者有大布旗，旗端系以铁钩，有长竹枪，二三人执之，进如风雨。其出劫，卜于神以决胜负，以诱为知，以覆为奇，以望屋为粮，以阑出为用，以劫质为宝。当是时，盗贼孔棘，民死亡者非其父兄，即其妻子。鹅埠岭乃至千人尽屠，哭泣之声不绝，日夜乞师，有司缩朒主抚，置不省，贼或听，甫入城，辄言愿归旧巢，一出郊关，且归且劫，送者固在。自是良民御贼，反蒙激变之辜。贼益恣行，逼近城府，乃遣一卒导归，而以还乡上报，贼乡安在，其所据者，皆良民之产也。计自万历之末，至隆庆之初，历十三四年，分巢诸乡，声势相倚，出入无时，靡处不到。归善、长乐、龙川三县所破寨，杀卤人民财币牛马，不可胜算。永安寨七十九，寨即围也。一围则数村人居之，多者千余人，少亦数百，尽破，完者〈厂堇〉八围耳。员冈围杀至千人，三角围杀四百人，樟村围独三人得存。凡破围即据之，其后五军分道大剿，虑各巢并力，遵庙议名讨蓝、赖二贼，而为质各巢。自十月至明年三月，诸贼尽平。盖贼皆草窃乌合之众，语险固则无深沟高垒，语粮食则无储峙飞輓，缓急不相援，利害不相救，得忠诚任事之臣，灭之故甚易也。若夫招抚，则贼愚有司、有司欺朝廷之计耳，乌可蹈哉。大抵寇有山，有海，有倭，其害则山寇为甚。盖海、倭去来有时，山寇常在境内也。岭东贼本细微，蔓延十三四载，戾夫为之涕下。揆厥所由，上下相遁，无异穆宗诏云：封疆以讲武为不急，以玩寇为苟安。盗贼隐容，不早扑灭，往往酿成大患，巡按御史参劾，圣明哉。

白话

中文

永安县（今广东紫金县）境内重峦叠嶂，自古以来就是盗贼出没的巢穴。磜头山与乌禽嶂、天字嶂、清溪嶂等山岭，以及员墩山、黄沙山等，连接着归善（今惠州部分地区）、海丰、长乐（今五华）、河源、龙川等县，连绵不断，地势险要。而且磜头山以前有冶铁工场，盗贼常常盘踞在那里，分路出来抢掠，官兵多次进剿都不能彻底清除。盗贼走投无路时就退回磜头山，修筑山寨自守，不久又重新盘踞在这五个县的区域内。山谷中有很多良田，流亡的百姓混杂居住，很容易被煽动聚集起来。官兵来时贼人就显得少，官兵走后贼人就显得多，这都是因为靠近贼巢的居民有一半都成了盗贼的同党。要趁他们还没有收获粮食的时候，用大军围困，使他们因为缺乏食物而自行陷入困境，这样才可以擒获他们。古名、黄沙这两个盗贼头目，常常埋伏在乌禽嶂，出来抢掠柘园，还抓走了一个负责缉捕盗贼的通判。蓝能这个盗贼头目又袭击了郡城外的东平，想趁势席卷而去，还没走到十里地，天亮被发觉，于是转而攻破了涌口营和鹿游冈，掳掠百姓的子女，勒索赎金后捆绑带回巢穴。在那个时候，（贼寇作乱的）烽火狼烟已经逼近城楼，（守军）却连一支箭都无法射向他们，导致东江、西江一带的盗贼势力更加猖獗。在此之前，长乐、海丰之间的逃军坑有银矿，河源的密坑也有银矿。这两处矿场开采时，地方豪强常常依附勾结。等到矿穴被封禁，他们所得不足，加上耗费亏损，于是就磨快兵器起事造反。不法的民众也趁机骚动，乘着混乱局面一同发难，那些自立名号、追随响应的人多得数不清。程乡（今梅州）、揭阳的盗贼，也混杂在其中，大的团伙有几千人，小的也有几百人，总共有几十上百个团伙。东到兴宁、长乐、程乡、揭阳，北到河源、龙川，西到博罗，南到海丰、归善，以及东莞，没有地方不遭受他们侵害的。永安县更是他们蹂躏的重灾区。他们抓捕官吏，挖掘抵押别人的祖坟，掳掠人民，强占人家的妻女，焚烧房屋，占据田地。死去的百姓尸体堆积如山，像砍倒的芭蕉一样遍布田野。即使想暂时到城郭里躲避，城郭又哪里能容纳下这么多人？几个村庄就合建一个堡垒（围屋），盗贼走了就出来耕作，盗贼来了就关闭堡垒守卫，但堡垒也常常被攻陷。盗贼内部有大总、二总一直到五总的头目等级，也叫满总、尾总。负责巡逻侦察的叫哨总。负责占卜吉凶的叫禽总（“演禽”是一种占卜术）。负责文书记录的叫书总。负责掌管旗帜号令的叫旗总。负责统管各项事务的叫长干。普通的贼众叫散班，散班之上还有甲头。联合几个团伙的首领叫都总。每当大总死了，就商议推举新头领。他们会竖起授予的黑色旗帜，用青色茅草捆束旗杆，（候选人）依次向旗帜下拜。如果下拜时旗帜展开飘动，就拥立他为新头领。据说旗帜展开时会阴风飒飒，好像有鬼神附在上面一样。他们祭旗要用活人，让那人的眼睛盯着旗帜然后杀死他，用他的血浸染旗帜，割下他的头发做成旗帜上的饰物（旄头）。他们擅长的武器装备有大布旗，旗帜顶端系着铁钩；还有长竹枪，需要两三个人一起操作，进攻时像狂风暴雨般猛烈。他们每次出去抢劫前，都要向神明占卜来决定吉凶胜负。把诱敌深入当作智慧，把设伏偷袭看作奇计，把望见村庄屋舍当作获得粮草，把拦路抢劫当作日常用度，把掳掠人质勒索赎金当作珍宝。在那个时候，盗贼之患极其严重，老百姓死去的人，不是他的父兄，就是他的妻儿。鹅埠岭这个地方甚至有上千人被全部屠杀，哭泣的声音日夜不绝。百姓日夜请求官府派兵，但主管官员畏缩不前，主张招抚，把求援置之不理。盗贼有时听从招抚，刚一进城，就说愿意回到原来的巢穴去。一走出城郊关口，就一边回去一边继续抢劫，护送他们的官兵也无可奈何（送者固在）。从此以后，安分的良民如果自行抵御盗贼，反而会蒙受激化事端、引发叛乱的罪名。盗贼因此更加肆无忌惮，步步逼近府城。官府于是派遣一个士兵引导盗贼回去，然后向上报告说是盗贼已返回家乡。可盗贼的家乡在哪里呢？他们所占据的地方，都是良民的产业啊。算起来从明朝万历末年到隆庆初年（此处原文年代有误，隆庆在万历之前。可能指从万历末年开始，前后经历了十三四年动荡），（盗贼）分散盘踞在各个乡村，声势互为依靠，出没没有固定时间，没有地方去不了。归善、长乐、龙川三个县被攻破的村寨，被杀戮抢掠的人民、财物、牛马，多得无法计算。永安县有七十九个村寨（寨就是围屋）。一个围屋里居住着几个村庄的人，多的有一千多人，少的也有几百人，（这些围屋）几乎全被攻破，完整的只剩下大约八座了。员冈围被杀的多达千人，三角围被杀了四百人，樟村围只有三个人幸存下来。盗贼凡是攻破一个围屋就占据它。后来，朝廷调集五路军队分道进行大规模剿灭。考虑到各个贼巢可能会联合抵抗，根据朝廷的决策，名义上只声讨蓝能、赖姓两大贼首，以此来麻痹其他贼巢（为质各巢）。从当年十月到第二年三月，各路盗贼才全部被平定。总的来说，这些盗贼都是些抢夺财物的乌合之众。说到险要坚固，他们没有深沟高垒；说到粮食，他们没有储备和运输能力；危急时不能互相支援，利害关头也不能互相救助。如果得到忠诚能干、勇于任事的官员，要消灭他们本来是很容易的。至于所谓的招安抚慰，不过是盗贼欺骗官府、官府欺骗朝廷的伎俩罢了，怎么可以重蹈覆辙呢？总而言之，祸患有山寇、海寇和倭寇，其中危害最严重的是山寇。因为海寇和倭寇的来去还有一定的时候，而山寇却常常就在境内活动。岭东地区的盗贼本来势力微小，却蔓延了十三四年之久，使有识之士为之落泪。探究其中的原因，在于上下级官员互相推诿塞责，这与明穆宗诏书中所说的“边疆的官员认为加强武备不是急务，把纵容寇患看作是暂且偷安的办法”没什么两样。对于盗贼隐匿纵容，不早早扑灭，往往酿成大祸。巡按御史能够弹劾这些问题，真是圣明啊！

英文

In Yong'an County (present-day Zijin County, Guangdong), with its overlapping mountain ranges, has long been a den of bandits ("daosu"). Mountains like Qitou, along with peaks such as Wuqin, Tianzi, and Qingxi, and hills like Yuandun and Huangsha, connect the counties of Guishan (part of modern Huizhou), Haifeng, Changle (modern Wuhua), Heyuan, and Longchuan, forming a vast and treacherous terrain. Furthermore, Qitou Mountain formerly housed an iron forge, where bandits often established their lairs, fanning out to plunder. Government troops repeatedly tried to suppress them but could never eradicate them. When cornered, the bandits would retreat to Qitou Mountain, fortify their stockades, and soon re-occupy the five-county area. The valleys contained much fertile land, and displaced people living among the locals were easily incited to gather and revolt. When officials came, the bandits seemed few; when officials left, they seemed many, because half the residents near the lairs were complicit. The strategy should be to besiege them with a large army before their harvest, letting them succumb to starvation, which would make their capture possible. Bandit leaders Gu Ming and Huang Sha often hid in Wuqin Peak, raided Zhe Yuan, and captured a Vice Prefect ("tongpan") responsible for bandit suppression. The bandit leader Lan Neng attacked Dongping outside the prefectural city, intending a swift sweep, but was discovered at dawn less than ten li away. He then sacked Yongkou Camp and Luyou Hill, abducted women and children, and returned after extorting ransom. At that time, the smoke signals of conflict reached the city watchtowers, yet the defenders couldn't even fire a single arrow at them, allowing banditry to flourish along the East and West Rivers. Previously, there were silver mines at Taojunkeng between Changle and Haifeng, and also at Mikeng in Heyuan. When these mines were operational, powerful local figures often colluded ("shanfu" - flocked like flies to filth). When the mines were closed, their gains were insufficient, and they suffered losses, leading them to take up arms ("shan ji" - sharpen halberds). Unruly commoners ("jianmin") surged ("bibo"), seizing the opportunity to rise up together; those establishing their own titles and followings were innumerable. Bandits from Chengxiang (modern Meizhou) and Jieyang also swarmed ("hongdong") the area, with large gangs numbering thousands and smaller ones hundreds, totaling dozens or hundreds of gangs. From Xingning, Changle, Chengxiang, and Jieyang in the east, to Heyuan and Longchuan in the north, Boluo in the west, and Haifeng, Guishan, and Dongguan in the south, no place escaped their attacks. Yong'an County was a particularly ravaged area. They captured officials, desecrated ancestral graves as ransom leverage ("zhi fenmu"), abducted people, took wives and daughters ("shi qinu" - made them their own women), burned houses, and seized land. The dead were so numerous they were like harvested grain or felled banana trees ("ze ruo jiao"). Even those seeking refuge in walled towns couldn't all be accommodated. Several villages would band together in a fortified enclosure ("lei" or "wei" - Hakka walled village). When bandits left, people farmed; when bandits came, they closed the gates and defended, yet these often fell. The bandits had a hierarchy: Dazong (Grand Chief), Erzong (Second Chief), up to Wuzong (Fifth Chief), also called Manzong (Full Chief) or Weizong (Tail Chief). Patrol leaders were Shaozong. Those performing divination ("yanqin") were Qinzong. Those in charge of records were Shuzong. Standard bearers were Qizong. Those managing general affairs were called Changgan. Rank-and-file bandits were Sanban, with Jiaotou above them. A leader uniting several gangs was called Duzong. When a Dazong died, they deliberated on a successor. They would erect the bestowed black banner, bound with green cogon grass, and candidates would bow to it in turn. If the banner unfurled as one bowed, he was chosen. It was said that when the banner unfurled, an eerie wind would blow, as if possessed. They sacrificed humans to the banner, making the victim stare at it before killing them, soaking the banner in blood, and using the hair to make a tassel ("maotou"). Their notable equipment included large cloth banners with iron hooks at the top, and long bamboo spears wielded by two or three men, advancing like wind and rain. Before raiding, they performed divination to determine success or failure. They considered luring enemies into traps as wisdom ("zhi") and ambushes as masterstrokes ("qi"). Sighting houses meant finding provisions ("wang wu wei liang"). Waylaying travelers ("lan chu") was their means of supply ("yong"). Kidnapping for ransom ("jie zhi") was their treasure ("bao"). During this time, the bandit scourge was severe ("kong ji"). Among the populace, those who died were either one's father, brother, wife, or child. At Ebu Ridge, as many as a thousand people were massacred. The sound of weeping never ceased. People begged day and night for military aid, but officials, shrinking back ("suo nu"), favored appeasement and ignored the pleas. Sometimes bandits accepted amnesty, entered a town, but immediately declared their wish to return to their old lairs. Once outside the suburban gates, they resumed robbing while supposedly returning, often with their official escorts ("song zhe gu zai") still present. Consequently, law-abiding citizens who defended themselves against bandits were instead accused of provoking trouble ("ji bian zhi gu"). The bandits became even more rampant, encroaching upon major towns. Officials then merely sent a single soldier to guide them "back," reporting them as "returned to their villages." But where were their villages? The lands they occupied all belonged to innocent people. It is calculated that from the end of the Wanli reign to the beginning of the Longqing reign (chronological error in original text: Longqing preceded Wanli; likely means a period of 13-14 years starting from late Wanli), they were entrenched in various villages, supporting each other, appearing and disappearing unpredictably, reaching everywhere. The destruction in Guishan, Changle, and Longchuan counties—the number of fortified villages ("zhai," equivalent to "wei") destroyed, people killed or captured, property, currency, cattle, and horses looted—was incalculable. Yong'an had seventy-nine such fortified villages ("zhai" or "wei"). Each housed people from several villages, numbering over a thousand in larger ones, and several hundred in smaller ones. Almost all were destroyed; only about eight remained intact. At Yuangang Fort, up to a thousand were killed; at Sanjiao Fort, four hundred; at Zhangcun Fort, only three survived. Whenever they captured a fort, they occupied it. Later, a five-pronged military campaign was launched. Fearing the bandit lairs would unite, following court strategy, they publicly targeted only the two major leaders, Lan and Lai, to deceive the other groups ("wei zhi ge chao" - holding the other lairs as 'hostages' or making them complacent). From October to March of the following year, all the bandits were finally suppressed. In truth, these bandits were merely disorganized mobs of petty thieves ("cao qie wu he zhi zhong"). In terms of defenses, they lacked deep moats and high ramparts. In terms of provisions, they had no stockpiles or supply lines. They failed to support each other in emergencies or aid each other when facing danger. If capable and dedicated officials were appointed, eliminating them would have been quite easy. As for amnesty and appeasement ("zhaofu"), it was merely a ploy where bandits fooled officials, and officials deceived the imperial court. How could such a path be followed again? Generally, there are mountain bandits ("shan kou"), sea bandits ("hai kou"), and Japanese pirates ("Wo kou"). Among them, mountain bandits cause the most harm. This is because sea bandits and pirates come and go intermittently, whereas mountain bandits are constantly within the territory. The bandits in eastern Guangdong ("Lingdong") were initially minor but spread over thirteen or fourteen years, causing righteous men ("li fu") to weep. Investigating the cause, it lies in mutual evasion of responsibility between superiors and subordinates, just as Emperor Muzong's (Longqing) edict stated: "Border officials regard military preparedness as non-urgent and indulge bandits as a way of seeking temporary peace." Tolerating bandits and failing to suppress them early often brews great disaster. The Censorate's impeachment (of such officials) reflects sagely wisdom.

文化解读/分析

本条目详细记述了明末清初（原文年代标识有误，但事件背景符合此时期）广东永安县（今紫金县）及周边地区严重的“山寇”问题，提供了丰富的社会、军事、民俗信息：

1. 地理环境与盗匪渊薮：明确指出永安“重峦复嶂”的险峻地理是盗贼滋生的天然温床（“盗薮”），磜头山等地的复杂地形和旧有铁冶（可能提供武器原料）为盗匪提供了据点和便利。山区环境成为中央权力难以有效触及、地方势力易于盘踞的区域。
2. 盗匪成分与社会根源：盗匪并非单一群体，而是由多种成分构成，包括职业盗贼（古名、黄沙、蓝能）、因矿禁失业的矿工、被裹挟的“流民”以及与盗匪勾结的“近巢居民”（“半为贼党”）。这揭示了盗匪问题的复杂性，与地方经济（矿业）、社会流动、官民关系、贫困等因素密切相关。“奸民滭沸，乘衅俱发”表明社会矛盾激化是盗匪势力扩张的重要原因。
3. 盗匪的组织与战术：记述了盗匪内部详细的层级结构（大总、二总至五总、哨总、禽总、书总、旗总、长干、散班、甲头、都总），反映其组织已非简单的乌合之众，而是有一定分工和指挥体系。其战术灵活，“分道出掠”、“出则贼多，归则贼少”（利用当地居民掩护）、“以诱为知，以覆为奇”（擅长诱敌和伏击）、“望屋为粮，阑出为用，劫质为宝”（以抢劫民居、商旅、绑票为主要生存方式）。
4. 盗匪的仪式与信仰：描述了盗匪推举首领的仪式（拜皂旗、青茅、旗张则立、阴风飒飒）和祭旗的残酷习俗（用活人祭旗、血渍旗、发为旄头）。这些带有迷信色彩的仪式，一方面是为了凝聚人心、鼓舞士气、强化首领权威，另一方面也反映了其残忍和非人道的一面。“卜于神以决胜负”表明其行动也受占卜等民间信仰影响。
5. 官方应对与批判：“官兵屡扑不能绝”反映了早期剿匪的困难。屈大均提出了围困断粮的策略。同时，他严厉批判了当时官府的“缩朒主抚”政策，认为招抚只是“贼愚有司、有司欺朝廷”的骗局，不仅无效，反而纵容了盗贼（“一出郊关，且归且劫”），甚至导致“良民御贼，反蒙激变之辜”的荒谬局面。他对官员玩忽职守、上下推诿的批评，直接引用了明穆宗的诏书，借古讽今，指责当时官场弊病是导致贼患蔓延的重要原因。
6. 地方防御与社会创伤：“数村一垒”、“寨即围也”描述了客家围屋等地方性防御工事的普及，是民间在动荡环境下自保的体现。然而，即便是坚固的围屋也大量陷落（“七十九寨…尽破，完者〈厂堇〉八围耳”），并发生了惨烈的屠杀（员冈围、三角围、樟村围、鹅埠岭千人尽屠），足见战乱对地方社会造成的巨大创伤和人口损失（“民死亡者非其父兄，即其妻子”）。
7. 山寇、海寇与倭寇比较：屈大均明确提出“其害则山寇为甚”，因为山寇“常在境内”，持续性、根植性的危害更大。这反映了内陆山区型盗匪与沿海流动型盗匪在威胁模式上的差异。
8. 最终平定：记述了最终通过“五军分道大剿”和运用策略（名讨蓝、赖，麻痹各巢）才得以平定。但也指出，盗匪本身“草窃乌合”，缺乏根据地和后勤，“灭之故甚易也”，关键在于是否有“忠诚任事之臣”。

总而言之，“永安诸盗”条目是《广东新语》中关于地方动乱和社会状况的极其重要的记录。它不仅细致描绘了特定区域盗匪的活动、组织、习俗，更深刻揭示了明末清初广东地方治理的困境、官僚体系的弊端、社会矛盾的激化以及战乱对底层民众的残酷影响，具有极高的史料价值和文化研究意义。

关键词

永安, 紫金县, 山寇, 盗贼, 明末清初, 广东, 屈大均, 广东新语, 磜头山, 乌禽嶂, 蓝能, 地方治理, 社会动荡, 流民, 矿禁, 盗匪组织, 拜旗, 祭旗, 人祭, 客家围屋, 寨围, 屠杀, 招抚政策, 官僚腐败, 明穆宗, 岭东, 海防, 山防