原文
士燮字威彦，广信人。建安初，为交趾太守，中国士人往依者百数，陈国袁徽与尚书令荀彧书曰：交趾士府君，处大乱之中，保全一郡，二十余年疆场无事，民不失业，羁旅之徒，皆蒙其庆。虽窦融保河西，曷以加之。官事小阕，辄玩习书传、春秋左氏传，简练精微，皆有师说，其称之若此。燮兄弟并为列郡，雄长一州，偏在万里，百蛮震服。会交州刺史张津死，汉赐玺书，以燮为绥南中郎将，董督七郡。是时天下丧乱，道路断绝，而燮不废贡职，复下诏拜安远将军，封龙度亭侯。建安十五年，孙权遣步骘为交州刺史，骘至，燮率兄弟奉承节度，权加燮左将军。建安末年，燮遣子廞入质，又诱导益州豪雍闿等东附，权益嘉之，迁卫将军，封龙编侯，论者谓燮不能始终于汉。权乃国贼，与昭烈力争交州，而燮兄弟乃助权为逆，岂诚识春秋之义也者。燮卒，而其子徽乃据交州，为吕岱所破，惜乎见之晚矣。后主建兴十三年，有廖式者，起兵苍梧，以应诸葛丞相，诸郡应之，此真汉之义士也，燮视之宁无愧于心乎哉。叶春及云，《一统志》，苍梧县即汉广信，苍梧郡治此，故陈元父子载于苍梧。而《肇庆旧志》谓封川西一里为广信县，虽非治所，固彼提封。陈氏之隶封川，未可知也。燮亦广信人，身本名儒，兄弟四人，拥兵据郡，岭海归心。中原丧乱，孙权、刘表皆窥南土，燮于此时，以甲兵之力，循赵佗之迹，西连蜀汉，庶几比美桓文哉。奉权节度，复诱益州附之，旄矣，岂度己审势耶。然燮名虽不终，亦可谓一时之豪杰也。大均云：当是时，又有揭阳吴砀者。砀，汉末为安成长，权使吕岱取长沙郡，砀据县以拒之曰：砀受天子命为长，知有汉而不知有吴也。又苍梧衡毅，与同郡钱博，皆为郡太守吴巨所信用。建安末，权以步骘为交州刺史，骘至，使人谕巨，巨纳骘而后图之。骘如巨，以诈斩巨首以徇，遂治船兵二万，下取南海，毅、博念巨部曲旧恩，且骘之来非汉命也，乃兴兵逆骘于高要崄口，与战三日。既溃败，毅与众皆投水死，死者千余人，无一生降。嗟夫，砀与毅、博，又皆汉之忠烈臣也，以列于季汉书内传，岂曰非宜。
白话
中文
士燮，字威彦，是广信（今广西梧州一带，一说广东封开）人。东汉建安（196-220年）初年，他担任交趾郡太守。当时中原大乱，前往依附他的中原士人有数百人之多。陈国的袁徽在给尚书令荀彧的信中说：“交趾的士府君（指士燮），身处大乱之中，却保全了一郡之地，二十多年来边境无战事，百姓安居乐业，流落到此的旅人，都蒙受了他的恩惠。即使是当年窦融保全河西，又怎么能超过他呢？”士燮在处理完公事的空闲时间，就研读各种典籍，特别是《春秋左氏传》，他对其中的精妙之处进行了深入研究，都有自己的师承和见解。袁徽就是这样称赞他的。士燮和他的兄弟们都担任各郡的太守，雄踞交州一方，地处偏远的万里之外，令南方的各少数民族（百蛮）都敬畏臣服。恰逢交州刺史张津去世，汉朝廷赐下盖有玉玺的诏书，任命士燮为绥南中郎将，总管交州七郡的军政事务。当时天下大乱，南北交通断绝，但士燮仍然坚持向汉朝廷进贡，朝廷又下诏拜他为安远将军，封为龙度亭侯。建安十五年（210年），孙权派遣步骘担任交州刺史。步骘到达后，士燮率领兄弟们服从了他的管辖。孙权于是加封士燮为左将军。建安末年（约210年代末），士燮派遣儿子士廞到孙权那里做人质，又劝诱益州的豪强雍闿等人归附东吴。孙权非常赞赏他，升任他为卫将军，封为龙编侯。但评论者认为士燮未能对汉朝善始善终。孙权是国贼（指篡汉），与汉昭烈帝（刘备）争夺交州，而士燮兄弟却帮助孙权做悖逆之事，难道他真的懂得《春秋》大义吗？士燮死后，他的儿子士徽占据交州反叛东吴，结果被吕岱率军攻破，可惜士燮没能早点看清形势啊！蜀汉后主刘禅建兴十三年（235年），有个叫廖式的人，在苍梧起兵响应诸葛亮丞相（北伐），各郡都起来响应他，这才是真正忠于汉朝的义士啊！士燮看到这种情况，难道心中不感到惭愧吗？叶春及（明代学者）说：《大明一统志》认为，苍梧县就是汉代的广信县，苍梧郡的治所也在这里，所以陈元父子（指陈钦、陈元，经学家）的籍贯被记载为苍梧。但《肇庆旧志》则说封川县西边一里的地方是广信县，虽然不是郡治所在，但也确实是广信县的疆界。所以陈氏的籍贯隶属于封川县，也是有可能的。士燮也是广信人，本身就是著名的儒者，兄弟四人，拥有军队占据郡县，岭南地区的人心都归向他。当时中原大乱，孙权、刘表都觊觎南方土地。士燮在那个时候，凭借强大的兵力，如果能效仿赵佗当年的做法，向西联合蜀汉，差不多可以媲美春秋时齐桓公、晋文公的功业了。但他却接受孙权的管辖，还引诱益州的人归附孙权，真是糊涂啊！难道他没有审度自己的实力和当时的形势吗？然而，士燮虽然名节未能善终，也可以算得上是当时的一位豪杰。我（屈大均）认为：在那个时候，还有揭阳人吴砀。吴砀在汉末担任安成县长。孙权派吕岱夺取长沙郡时，吴砀据守县城抵抗说：“我吴砀是接受汉朝天子的任命担任县长的，只知道有汉朝，不知道有吴国！”还有苍梧人衡毅，和同郡的钱博，都受到郡太守吴巨的信任重用。建安末年，孙权任命步骘为交州刺史。步骘到达后，派人劝说吴巨归降，吴巨表面接纳步骘，想以后再图谋反抗。步骘去见吴巨时，用欺诈的手段斩下了吴巨的首级示众，随即整治船只和两万士兵，南下夺取南海郡。衡毅、钱博感念吴巨旧部的恩情，并且认为步骘前来并非奉汉朝皇帝的命令，于是起兵在高要的险要关口（崄口）抵抗步骘，与步骘军激战了三天。兵败之后，衡毅和部下都投水自尽，死者有一千多人，没有一个活着投降的。唉！吴砀和衡毅、钱博，也都是汉朝忠烈之臣啊！把他们列入季汉（蜀汉）史书的列传中，难道不应该吗？
英文
Shi Xie, courtesy name Weiyan, was a native of Guangxin (modern Wuzhou area, Guangxi, or possibly Fengkai, Guangdong). In the early Jian'an era (196–220 AD) of the Eastern Han dynasty, he served as the Grand Administrator (Taishou) of Jiaozhi Commandery. During the great turmoil in the Central Plains, hundreds of scholars from the north fled to him for refuge. Yuan Hui of the state of Chen wrote in a letter to the Prefect of the Masters of Writing (Shangshu Ling) Xun Yu: "Prefect Shi of Jiaozhi, amidst great chaos, has preserved the integrity of his commandery. For over twenty years, there has been no conflict on the borders, the people have not lost their livelihoods, and travelers who have drifted here have all benefited from his benevolence. Even Dou Rong's preservation of Hexi cannot surpass this." When Shi Xie had leisure from official duties, he would study classics, especially the Zuo Zhuan (Commentary of Zuo on the Spring and Autumn Annals), meticulously analyzing its subtleties, all based on scholarly traditions. This is how Yuan Hui praised him. Shi Xie and his brothers all governed various commanderies, dominating the entire province (Jiaozhou). Though located in the remote frontier, thousands of miles away, they commanded the awe and submission of the southern non-Han peoples (Bai Man). When Zhang Jin, the Inspector (Cishi) of Jiaozhou, died, the Han court sent an imperial edict under seal, appointing Shi Xie as the General Who Pacifies the South (Sui Nan Zhonglang Jiang) with authority over seven commanderies. At that time, the empire was in chaos, and communication routes were cut off, but Shi Xie did not cease sending tribute to the Han court. He was subsequently appointed General Who Pacifies Distant Lands (An Yuan Jiangjun) and enfeoffed as Marquis of Longdu Pavilion (Longdu Ting Hou). In the 15th year of Jian'an (210 AD), Sun Quan dispatched Bu Zhi as the Inspector of Jiaozhou. Upon Bu Zhi's arrival, Shi Xie led his brothers in submitting to Bu Zhi's authority. Sun Quan then appointed Shi Xie as General of the Left (Zuo Jiangjun). Towards the end of the Jian'an era (late 210s AD), Shi Xie sent his son, Shi Xin, as a hostage to Sun Quan and also induced powerful figures in Yizhou, such as Yong Kai, to align themselves with Eastern Wu in the east. Sun Quan highly commended him for this, promoting him to General-in-Chief (Wei Jiangjun) and enfeoffing him as Marquis of Longbian. However, commentators argue that Shi Xie failed to remain loyal to the Han dynasty from beginning to end. Sun Quan was a usurper ("state thief") who contended with Emperor Zhaolie of Han (Liu Bei) for control of Jiaozhou, yet Shi Xie and his brothers aided Sun Quan's rebellious cause. Did he truly understand the righteousness taught in the Spring and Autumn Annals? After Shi Xie's death, his son Shi Hui occupied Jiaozhou and rebelled against Wu, only to be defeated by Lü Dai's forces. It is regrettable that Shi Xie did not see the situation clearly earlier! In the 13th year of the Jianxing era (235 AD) under the Later Ruler (Liu Shan) of Shu Han, a man named Liao Shi raised troops in Cangwu in response to Chancellor Zhuge Liang's northern expeditions, and various commanderies joined him. This was a true righteous loyalist of Han! Compared to him, wouldn't Shi Xie feel ashamed? Ye Chunji (Ming scholar) stated: According to the Yitong Zhi (Comprehensive Gazetteer of the Great Ming), Cangwu County was the Han dynasty's Guangxin County, and the seat of Cangwu Commandery was located there, which is why Chen Yuan and his father (Chen Qin, Chen Yuan, classicists) are recorded as being from Cangwu. However, the Old Gazetteer of Zhaoqing claims that Guangxin County was located one li west of Fengchuan County; although not the commandery seat, it was within its boundaries. Thus, the Chen family's affiliation with Fengchuan is plausible. Shi Xie was also from Guangxin, himself a renowned Confucian scholar. With his three brothers, he commanded troops and occupied commanderies, winning the hearts of the Lingnan region. During the chaos in the Central Plains, both Sun Quan and Liu Biao coveted the southern lands. At that time, if Shi Xie had used his military strength, followed the example of Zhao Tuo, and allied with Shu Han to the west, he might have achieved glory comparable to Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin in the Spring and Autumn period. Instead, he submitted to Sun Quan's authority and even induced Yizhou to submit to him – how muddled! Did he not assess his own strength and the situation correctly? Nevertheless, although Shi Xie's reputation was flawed in the end, he can still be considered a hero of his time. I (Qu Dajun) add: At that time, there was also Wu Dang from Jieyang. Wu Dang served as the magistrate of Ancheng County in the late Han dynasty. When Sun Quan sent Lü Dai to seize Changsha Commandery, Wu Dang defended his county and resisted, saying: "I, Dang, was appointed magistrate by the Son of Heaven (Han Emperor). I only recognize the Han dynasty, not the state of Wu!" Also, Heng Yi of Cangwu, along with Qian Bo from the same commandery, were trusted subordinates of the commandery administrator Wu Ju. At the end of the Jian'an era, Sun Quan appointed Bu Zhi as Inspector of Jiaozhou. Upon arrival, Bu Zhi sent envoys to persuade Wu Ju to submit. Wu Ju outwardly accepted Bu Zhi, planning to resist later. When Bu Zhi visited Wu Ju, he deceitfully beheaded Wu Ju and displayed his head. Bu Zhi then prepared boats and 20,000 soldiers to take Nanhai Commandery downstream. Heng Yi and Qian Bo, mindful of their loyalty to their former commander Wu Ju, and believing Bu Zhi's arrival was not sanctioned by the Han emperor, raised troops to resist Bu Zhi at the strategic pass of Xiankou in Gaoyao. They fought Bu Zhi's army for three days. After being defeated, Heng Yi and his followers all drowned themselves in the river. Over a thousand died, and not a single one surrendered alive. Alas! Wu Dang, Heng Yi, and Qian Bo were all loyal and valiant ministers of the Han dynasty! To include them in the biographies section of the history of the Later Han (Shu Han) – would that not be appropriate?
文化解读/分析
本条目围绕汉末三国时期岭南地区的重要人物士燮展开，具有丰富的文化和历史解读价值：
- 文化中心的南移与岭南开发：士燮统治交州期间，中原大乱，大量士人南迁避难，依附士燮。这客观上促进了中原文化（儒家经典，如《左传》）在岭南地区的传播和发展，使交州一度成为汉末重要的文化中心之一。士燮本人亦“玩习书传”，是岭南早期儒学发展史上的关键人物，体现了该地区从“边陲”向文化区域发展的过程。
- 地方割据与中央王朝的关系：士燮长期割据交州，维持了地方的稳定与繁荣（“保全一郡，二十余年疆场无事”），被誉为“虽窦融保河西，曷以加之”。然而，他最终选择归附孙权的东吴，而非被视为汉室正统继承者的蜀汉。这反映了在中央权力衰落时，地方势力复杂的政治抉择，以及地理因素（交州与东吴更近）对政治格局的影响。
- 忠诚观念与历史评价的多元性：屈大均在文中引入了对士燮的不同评价。一方面肯定其保境安民、发展文教的功绩（“一时之豪杰”）；另一方面，又站在蜀汉正统立场，严厉批评其未能“始终于汉”，归附“国贼”孙权，认为其不懂“春秋之义”。并通过对比廖式、吴砀、衡毅、钱博等坚守汉室、抵抗东吴的岭南“忠烈臣”，进一步强化了对“忠诚”这一儒家核心价值观的推崇。这种褒贬并存的记述，展现了后世对历史人物评价的复杂性，以及作者自身强烈的（明遗民）忠君思想和正统观念。
- 地方认同与历史叙事建构：屈大均将士燮（广信人）、吴砀（揭阳人）、衡毅、钱博（苍梧人）等纳入《广东新语》的叙事，是在为“广东”（广义的岭南）建构一部包含复杂面向的地方史。即使士燮的政治选择受到批评，其作为岭南历史上的重要统治者和文化传播者的地位仍被确认。对广信地望的考证（叶春及的引文），也体现了将历史人物精确地锚定于地方地理空间的意图，以加强地方历史的真实感和归属感。
- 民俗信仰的潜在来源：虽然文中未直接提及民俗，但像士燮这样长期统治一方、保境安民并具有文化影响力的历史人物，在后世有可能被地方民众神化或立祠纪念（尽管文中未提士燮祠，但提到了为任嚣、赵佗、梅鋗立祠）。研究地方神祇和英雄崇拜时，士燮这样的“一时之豪杰”是值得关注的对象。
关键词
士燮、威彦、广信、交趾、交州、岭南、东汉、三国、孙权、东吴、刘备、蜀汉、步骘、吕岱、汉朝、忠诚、正统、袁徽、荀彧、左传、儒学、文化传播、地方割据、赵佗、廖式、吴砀、揭阳、衡毅、钱博、苍梧、吴巨、叶春及、屈大均、广东新语、神语、地方史、历史评价、文化认同