原文

银

　　粤之山旧有银穴银沙，《始兴记》云：小首山崩，崩处有光耀，悉是银砾。铸之得银，而英德、清远其山传有银矿者，辄有白气上升，草木沾之皆白。或山石盛热时有银汗，白而味辛。其矿或红如乱丝，或白如草根，或衔黑石，或有脉，谓之龙口。循龙口挖之，浅者一二丈，深者四五丈，有焦路如灶土然，斯矿苗也，又挖则矿见矣。由微而盛，盛而复微，或如串珠，或如瓜蔓，微则渐绝，绝复寻焦，焦复见矿。若焦已绝，则又盘荒也。凡矿以有银星大点而柔者为上，小点而坚者次之，谓之明矿。次则夹石矿，以色绿者为上，红黑黄白者次之。又次则砂土矿，淘去浮者，留其沉重者煎之，以成瓜者为上，如瓜蔓者次之。然往往盘荒时，见有人骑白马望空而去，此银气也，气去则其银亦去，故往往不得银云。东莞东南百余里有宝山，其穴有银砖数百片，相传郭将军所炼，取之辄昏迷不得出。旁一深洞在水中，土人尝祭以白鸡，入水凿之，其刚者石也，柔则为铅，铅一石或得银数两。然每为神笞击，铸不及成。电白东有纱帽山，山有石大小数万，非石，皆银块也。取之亦辄昏瞀，曳以巨藤，藤尽断。有为斋醮以祷者，费三百金，第如其数以偿，余不能动。潮州西丰水有一穴，中有银饼数千枚，亦不可取。始兴林水源有斜潭，潭底有银数十瓮，以青石盖之，可开观而不可取。罗浮一洞，有大银版无数，有取其二者，夜梦山神诃责，复纳还之，雷即震击此洞，塞以巨石，至今遂不复识。夫非其有而取之者为盗，盗于人然且不可，况盗于天乎。大凡山谷之所藏，精灵之所秘，神物有归，必非贪者所得而觊觎也。然惟人爱之，天乃吝惜而不与，人苟不爱，天亦以之同于砂砾矣。然而银者多藏亦必厚亡，岁庚子，广州有白镪数万锭，飞于空中，自南而北，有方将军者焚香拜之，飞下近帘，儿童群笑之，竟复飞去，有为之赋飞镪行者。且银积久，虫蚁亦食之，或化而为水，或从土中徙他所，其开矿者，利赢则商，缩则寇，终于不得其死。噫嘻。银之为祟，亦何所益于人也哉。

　　夫用银何始乎，顾炎武云：唐宋以前，上下通行之货，一皆以钱而已，未尝用银。《汉志》言：秦币二等，而珠、玉、龟、贝、银、锡之属，为器饰宝臧，不为币。孝武始造白金三品，寻废不行。《旧唐书》：宪宗元和三年六月，诏曰：天下有银之山，必有铜鑛。铜者可资于鼓铸，银者无益于生人。其天下自五岭以北，见采银坑，并宜禁断。《通典》：梁初唯京师及三吴、荆、郢、江、湘、梁、益用钱，其余州郡则杂以谷帛交易。交广之域，则全以金银为货。而韩愈奏状亦言：五岭买卖一以银。元稹奏状言：自岭已南，以金银为货币。自岭已外，以盐帛为交易。黔巫溪峡，用水银、朱砂、缯、彩、巾、帽以相市。《宋史》：仁宗景祐二年，诏诸路岁输缗钱，福建、二广易以银，江东以帛。《金史·食货志》：旧例银每锭五十两，其直百贯。《旧唐书·哀帝纪》：内库出方圆银二千一百七十二两，充见任文武常参官救接。是知前代银皆是铸成，民间或有截凿之者，其价亦随低昂，遂改铸银，名承安宝货。一两至十两分五等，每两折钱二贯。公私同见钱用。又云：更造兴定宝泉，每贯当通宝五十。又以绫印制元兴珍货，同银钞及余钞行之。行之未久，银价日贵，宝泉日贱，民但以银论价。至元光二年，宝泉几于不用，哀宗正大间，民间但以银市易，而不用钱。至于今日，上下通行用银，皆忘其所以然矣。考之《元史》：岁课之数，为银至少，然则国赋之用银，盖不过三四百年耳。故今之言赋者，犹必曰钱粮。夫钱，钱也，粮，粮也，亦恶有所谓银哉。嗟夫，用银之为害始于金，今有国者，不以唐宋以前为法，上下通行之货悉以钱，而独仍金人之弊，其欲财用之充足也，不其难乎哉。夫二广岁输制以银，以其地不产铜耳。如天下皆不用银，则二广亦不能独用，二广不能独用，而二广之民于是乎而不穷矣。嗟夫，古之为富者，菽粟而已。为其交易也，不得已而以钱权之。三代之赋，粟也，非钱也。汉唐之赋，粟也，钱也，帛也，非银也。用银始于闽、粤，以其地坑冶多而海舶利耳。然今二者皆不如昔，使能与天下十五省直悉废银不用，皆以钱以粮以布帛及诸土物易之，上之人以节俭倡率，禁瑰货，绝淫巧，贱贾而贵农，将使黄金与土同价，复见今日，斯言必非荒谬也。

　　闽、粤银多从番舶而来，番有吕宋者，在闽海南，产银，其行银如中国行钱。西洋诸番，银多转输其中，以通商故。闽、粤人多贾吕宋银至广州，揽头者就舶取之，分散于百工之肆，百工各为服食器物价其值。承平时，商贾所得银，皆以易货，度梅岭者，不以银捆载而北也，故东粤之银，出梅岭十而三四。今也关税繁多，诸货之至吴、楚、京都者，往往利微折资本，商贾多运银而出，所留于东粤者，银无几也，故谚曰：物贱银贵，无钱可替。大抵小民贸易喜用钱，上之人苟能以钱易银，尽弃银而勿用之，而银于是乎同于瓦砾矣。

　　粤东银，其在野者，多用大口锅，形如碗圆而高边，及双吹。在城者，多用砒倾硬锭、漳州锭、方槽，日趋于伪。其纹者若潮州饼、井栏酥与二洋之大小银钱，有九五六色。最高者交趾银条、银舌，若山银，则丹房所谓银笋，色至足矣。市井小人，争以巧伪为事，或荡锡于边，或鑚〈鑦去貝〉于腹。或洒铁沙于面，或钓铜于四角，或以白铜，药煮之为峱银，最易惑人。故便民莫善于钱。

白话

中文

广东的山中过去就有银矿穴和银沙。《始兴记》记载：小首山崩塌，崩塌的地方有光芒闪耀，全是碎银。熔铸这些碎银就能得到银子。而英德、清远的山中，传说有银矿的地方，就常有白气上升，草木沾上这白气都会变白。有时山石在酷热时会流出“银汗”，颜色白而味道辛辣。银矿石有的红得像乱丝，有的白得像草根，有的包含着黑色的石头，有的有矿脉，称为“龙口”。沿着龙口挖掘，浅的有一二丈，深的达四五丈，会遇到像灶膛土一样的焦黑色土路，这就是矿苗的标志，再挖下去就能看见矿石了。矿脉从细微到富集，又从富集到细微，有时像一串珍珠，有时像瓜藤蔓延。矿脉细微时就渐渐断绝，断绝了就再寻找焦土路，找到焦土路又能再发现矿石。如果焦土路也断绝了，那就是矿脉枯竭（盘荒）了。凡是矿石，以含有大点银星而且质地柔软的为上等，银星小点而质地坚硬的次之，这叫“明矿”。再次是夹杂石头的矿石，以绿色的为上等，红、黑、黄、白色的次之。再次是砂土矿，淘洗去掉漂浮的杂质，留下沉重的部分进行熔炼，炼成瓜形的银块为上等，像瓜藤状的次之。然而，往往在矿脉枯竭的时候，会看见有人骑着白马向天空飞去，这是银的精气，精气走了，那里的银也就没了，所以常常采不到银。

东莞县东南一百多里有座宝山，山洞里有几百块银砖，相传是郭将军（可能是地方传说人物）炼制的，去取的人就会神志昏迷无法出来。旁边一个深洞在水下，当地人曾经用白鸡祭祀后，下水开凿，坚硬的是石头，柔软的就是铅，一石（重量单位）铅矿有时能炼出几两银子。但是常常被神灵鞭打惩罚，来不及铸炼成形。电白县东边有座纱帽山，山上有数万块大小不一的石头，其实不是石头，都是银块。去取的人也会立刻头晕眼花，用巨大的藤条去拖拽，藤条全都断裂。有人举行斋醮仪式来祈祷，花费了三百金（可能指三百两银子或铜钱），最终只得到了与花费等值的银子，其余的都搬不动。潮州西边的丰水（地名）有一个洞穴，里面有几千枚银饼，也不能拿取。始兴县的林水源（地名）有个斜潭，潭底有几十瓮银子，用青石板盖着，可以打开看但不能拿走。罗浮山有一个山洞，里面有无数大块的银版，有人取了其中两块，晚上就梦见山神呵斥责备，赶紧送了回去。随即就有雷电震击这个山洞，用巨石堵塞了洞口，从此就再也找不到这个地方了。

不是自己应有的东西而去拿取就是盗窃，盗窃别人的东西尚且不可以，何况是盗窃上天的东西呢？大凡山谷里所蕴藏的宝物，是精灵所秘藏的，这些神物自有其归属，必定不是贪婪的人能够觊觎得到的。然而，正因为人们喜爱它，上天才吝啬不肯给予；如果人们不那么爱它，上天也会把它看得如同砂石瓦砾一般。但是，银子藏得多也必定损失得惨重。庚子年（具体年份需考证，可能是明末或清初），广州有数万锭白银在空中飞行，从南向北飞去。有位方将军焚香叩拜，银锭飞下来靠近他的帘子，小孩子们见了都笑起来，结果银锭又飞走了。有人为此写了《飞镪行》的诗赋。况且银子存放久了，虫蚁也会蛀蚀它，有时会（因化学反应）变成液体流失，有时会从土中转移到别的地方。那些开矿的人，获利丰厚时就成了商人，亏损时就变成了盗寇，最终往往不得好死。唉！银子所带来的祸害，对人又有什么好处呢？

用银是从什么时候开始的呢？顾炎武说：唐朝、宋朝以前，社会上通行的货币，都只是用铜钱罢了，不曾用过银子。《汉书·食货志》说：秦朝的货币有两等（黄金和铜钱），而珍珠、玉石、龟甲、贝壳、银、锡这类东西，是用来做器物、饰品和珍藏的，不是用来做货币的。汉武帝时开始制造了三种白金（银锡合金）货币，不久就废止不用了。《旧唐书》记载：唐宪宗元和三年六月下诏说：天下有银矿的山，必定也有铜矿。铜可以用来铸钱，银对百姓生活没有什么益处。天下凡是五岭以北正在开采的银矿，都应该禁止。《通典》记载：南朝梁代初期，只有京城以及三吴、荆州、郢州、江州、湘州、梁州、益州这些地方用钱，其余的州郡则兼用谷物、布帛进行交易。交州、广州地区，就完全用金银作为货币。而韩愈的奏章也说：五岭地区的买卖都用银子。元稹的奏章说：五岭以南地区，用金银做货币。五岭以外的地区，用盐和布帛进行交易。黔中、巫山、三峡地区，则用水银、朱砂、丝织品、彩缎、头巾、帽子等进行交易。《宋史》记载：宋仁宗景祐二年下诏，各路每年上缴的成串铜钱，福建、广南东路、广南西路（两广）可以用银子折算，江东路可以用布帛折算。《金史·食货志》记载：过去的规定，银子每锭五十两，价值一百贯（铜钱）。《旧唐书·哀帝纪》记载：皇宫内库拿出方形和圆形的银子共二千一百七十二两，用来救济现任的文武常参官员。由此可知前代（唐宋）的银子都是铸造成锭块的，民间或许有切割凿开使用的，银价也随时有高低波动。金朝于是改铸银币，名叫“承安宝货”，从一两到十两分为五个等级，每两折合铜钱二贯。官方和民间都把它等同现钱使用。又记载：金朝后来又制造“兴定宝泉”钱，每贯当“通宝”钱五十文。又用绫罗印制“元兴珍货”纸币，和银钞及其他纸钞一同发行。实行不久，银价一天天上涨，宝泉钱一天天贬值，老百姓只根据银子来议价。到了金哀宗元光二年，“兴定宝泉”几乎不再使用了。哀宗正大年间，民间只用银子进行交易，而不用铜钱了。到了今天（清初），社会上下都通行银子，大家都忘了为什么会这样了。查考《元史》：每年税收的数目中，银子是最少的。这样看来，国家赋税使用银子，大概也不过三四百年罢了。所以现在说到赋税，还必定称为“钱粮”。钱就是钱，粮就是粮，又哪里有所谓的银呢？

唉！用银子的害处是从金朝开始的。现在的统治者，不效法唐宋以前的做法，让社会上通行的货币都用铜钱，却偏偏沿袭金朝的弊端，想要让财政充足，这难道不困难吗？两广地区每年交税规定用银子，是因为那里不产铜的缘故。如果天下都不用银子，那么两广地区也不能单独使用，两广不能单独使用银子，那么两广的老百姓也就不至于贫困了。唉！古代衡量富有的标准，只是豆子和粟米罢了。为了进行交易，不得已才用钱来作为衡量价值的工具。夏商周三代的赋税，是征收粟米，不是征收铜钱。汉唐的赋税，是征收粟米、铜钱、布帛，不是征收银子。用银子是从福建、广东开始的，是因为这些地方矿藏冶炼多而且有海外贸易的便利。然而现在这两方面（矿产和海贸）都不如从前了。如果能和全国十五个行省、直隶地区都废除银子不再使用，都用铜钱、粮食、布帛以及各种土特产来交易，在上位的人带头厉行节俭，禁止奇珍异宝，杜绝铺张浪费的奇技淫巧，轻视商人而重视农业，将会使黄金和泥土一个价钱，（这样的景象）重新在今天出现，这些话一定不是荒谬之谈。

福建、广东的银子大多是从外国商船运来的。外国中有个叫吕宋（今菲律宾）的地方，在福建的南边海域，出产银子，他们那里使用银子就像中国使用铜钱一样普遍。西洋各国的银子，大多转运汇集到吕宋，用来通商。福建、广东人很多去吕宋贩运银子到广州，经纪人（揽头）从船上接取银子，分散到各行各业的店铺，各行各业的人们用它来给服装、食品、器物等定价。太平时期，商人得到的银子，都用来交换货物，翻越梅岭向北运的，不是成捆的银子，所以广东东部的银子，运出梅岭的只占十分之三四。如今（清初）关税繁重，各种货物运到吴、楚（江浙、湖广）和京城，往往利润微薄甚至亏本，商人大多改为运送银子出关，留在广东东部的银子就没有多少了。所以有谚语说：“物贱银贵，无钱可替”（物品便宜但银子难得，没有铜钱可以替代流通）。总的来说，小老百姓做买卖喜欢用铜钱。在上位的人如果能用铜钱取代银子，完全废弃银子不再使用，那么银子也就会如同瓦砾一般（失去其特殊价值）了。

广东东部的银子，在乡下的，（熔铸时）多用大口锅，形状像碗，圆而边高，以及双向鼓风的（风箱）。在城里的，多用砒霜倾注成硬锭、漳州锭、方槽锭，（但掺假）日益趋向伪劣。有花纹的（成色较好的）如潮州饼、井栏酥以及来自东西二洋的大小银元，有九五、九六等不同的成色。成色最高的是交趾（今越南）的银条、银舌。如果是山里直接采炼的银（山银），也就是炼丹房所说的“银笋”，成色就非常足了。市井小人，争相以巧妙作伪为能事，有的在银锭边缘镀锡，有的在内部钻孔填充（贱金属），有的在表面洒上铁砂，有的在四角嵌入铜块，有的用白铜，加药水煮炼成“峱银”（一种外观像真银的合金），最容易迷惑人。所以对百姓方便有利没有比铜钱更好的了。

英文

The mountains of Guangdong formerly contained silver deposits and silver sand. The "Shixing Ji" (Records of Shixing) states: When Xiaoshou Mountain collapsed, the site of the collapse glittered; it was entirely silver gravel. Smelting this gravel yielded silver. In the mountains of Yingde and Qingyuan, it is said that where silver mines exist, white vapor often rises, and vegetation touched by this vapor turns white. Sometimes, when the mountain rocks are extremely hot, they exude "silver sweat," which is white and has a pungent taste. The silver ore may be red like tangled silk, white like grass roots, embedded with black stones, or have veins called "dragon mouths." Following the dragon mouth and digging, shallow veins are one or two zhang (approx. 3-6 meters) deep, while deep ones reach four or five zhang (approx. 12-15 meters). One encounters scorched earth paths resembling hearth soil, which indicates the presence of ore veins. Digging further reveals the ore. The vein goes from sparse to rich, then back to sparse, sometimes resembling strings of pearls or melon vines. When the vein becomes sparse, it gradually disappears. When it disappears, one searches again for the scorched path; finding the scorched path leads back to the ore. If the scorched path itself disappears, the deposit is exhausted ("pan huang"). Regarding ore quality, those with large, soft silver flecks ("silver stars") are considered superior; those with small, hard flecks are secondary. This is called "ming kuang" (clear ore). Next is ore mixed with rock; green-colored ones are superior, followed by red, black, yellow, and white ones. Following that is sandy ore; after washing away the lighter material, the heavier sediment is smelted. Ore that smelts into melon-shaped ingots is superior, while that forming vine-like shapes is secondary. However, often when a deposit is exhausted, someone is seen riding a white horse ascending into the sky. This is the "silver qi" (essence of silver); when the qi departs, the silver also disappears, hence silver is often unobtainable.

More than a hundred li southeast of Dongguan County lies Baoshan (Treasure Mountain). In its caves are several hundred silver bricks, rumored to have been smelted by a General Guo (likely a figure from local legend). Those who try to take them become disoriented and cannot get out. Nearby, a deep cave lies underwater. Locals used to sacrifice a white chicken before entering the water to chisel. The hard material is rock, the soft is lead. One shi (a unit of weight) of lead ore might yield several liang (taels) of silver. However, they are often punished by divine whipping, unable to complete the smelting. East of Dianbai County is Shamao Shan (Gauze Cap Mountain). On the mountain are tens of thousands of stones, large and small; they are not stones, but silver nuggets. Trying to take them also causes immediate dizziness. When pulled with giant rattan ropes, the ropes all break. Someone performed Daoist rituals to pray for them, spending three hundred jin (possibly taels of silver or copper coins), but only received silver equivalent to the cost; the rest could not be moved. In Fengshui, west of Chaozhou, there is a cave containing several thousand silver discs, also unobtainable. At Linyuan Stream in Shixing County, there is a slanted pool (Xietan). At the bottom lie several dozen urns of silver, covered with bluestone slabs. They can be opened and viewed, but not taken. In a cave on Luofu Mountain, there were countless large silver slabs. Someone took two, but dreamt that night of the mountain god rebuking him, so he returned them. Immediately, lightning struck the cave, sealing it with a huge boulder, and its location has been lost ever since.

Taking what is not rightfully yours is theft. Stealing from humans is already unacceptable, let alone stealing from Heaven. Generally, treasures hidden in mountains and valleys, guarded by spirits, are divine objects with destined owners; they certainly cannot be coveted by the greedy. However, it is precisely because humans cherish it that Heaven begrudgingly withholds it; if humans did not cherish it, Heaven would treat it like common sand and gravel. Yet, hoarding much silver inevitably leads to great loss. In the Gengzi year (specific year uncertain, possibly late Ming or early Qing), tens of thousands of white silver ingots flew through the air over Guangzhou, from south to north. A certain General Fang burned incense and prayed to them. The ingots flew down near his curtain. Children nearby laughed at them, and they flew away again. Someone composed a ballad titled "Ballad of the Flying Ingots" about this event. Moreover, silver stored for a long time can be consumed by insects and ants, sometimes liquefying (due to chemical reactions), or migrating elsewhere through the soil. Those who open mines often become merchants when profitable, but turn into bandits when facing losses, ultimately meeting untimely deaths. Alas! The troubles caused by silver, what benefit does it bring to people?

When did the use of silver begin? Gu Yanwu stated: Before the Tang and Song dynasties, the currency circulating among all levels of society consisted solely of coins (qian); silver was never used. The "Han Shu - Shi Huo Zhi" (Book of Han - Treatise on Food and Money) says: The Qin dynasty had two types of currency (gold and copper coins), while pearls, jade, tortoise shells, cowries, silver, and tin were used for utensils, ornaments, and treasures, not as currency. Emperor Wu of Han initially created three types of white metal (silver-tin alloy) currency, but they were soon abolished. The "Jiu Tang Shu" (Old Book of Tang) records: In the sixth month of the third year of the Yuanhe era of Emperor Xianzong of Tang (808 AD), an edict stated: Mountains with silver invariably also have copper ore. Copper can be used for minting coins, while silver is of no benefit to the people's livelihood. All silver mines currently being exploited north of the Five Ridges should be prohibited. The "Tongdian" records: In the early Liang dynasty (Southern Dynasties), only the capital and the regions of Sanwu, Jing, Ying, Jiang, Xiang, Liang, and Yi used coins; other prefectures and commanderies used a mix of grain and silk for transactions. In the regions of Jiao and Guang (roughly modern Guangdong and Vietnam), gold and silver were used exclusively as currency. Han Yu's memorial also stated: In the Five Ridges region, trade is conducted entirely with silver. Yuan Zhen's memorial stated: South of the Ridges, gold and silver serve as currency. Beyond the Ridges, salt and silk are used for trade. In the Qian, Wu, and Gorge regions, mercury, cinnabar, silks, colored fabrics, headscarves, and hats are used for barter. The "Song Shi" (History of Song) records: In the second year of the Jingyou era of Emperor Renzong of Song (1035 AD), it was decreed that for the annual tax payment in strings of coins, Fujian and the two Guang circuits (Guangnan East and West) could substitute silver, and Jiangdong circuit could substitute silk. The "Jin Shi - Shi Huo Zhi" (History of Jin - Treatise on Food and Money) records: By old regulation, each silver ingot weighed fifty liang and was worth one hundred guan (strings of 1000 coins). The "Jiu Tang Shu - Ai Di Ji" (Old Book of Tang - Annals of Emperor Ai) records: The imperial treasury disbursed square and round silver totaling 2,172 liang to relieve currently serving civil and military officials attending court. This shows that silver in previous dynasties (Tang/Song) was cast into ingots. Civilians might cut or chisel them for use, and the value fluctuated. The Jin dynasty then minted silver coins called "Cheng'an Bao Huo," graded in five denominations from one to ten liang, with each liang equivalent to two guan of coins. They were used by the government and public just like cash coins. It also records: Later, the "Xingding Bao Quan" coin was created, each guan worth fifty "Tongbao" coins. Furthermore, the "Yuanxing Zhen Huo" paper currency was printed on silk, circulating alongside silver notes and other notes. Before long, the price of silver rose daily while the Bao Quan coins depreciated daily; people only discussed prices in terms of silver. By the second year of the Yuanguang era of Emperor Aizong of Jin, the Bao Quan coins were almost useless. During Emperor Aizong's Zhengda era, people conducted trade only with silver, not using coins. Today (early Qing), silver circulates universally, and everyone has forgotten how this came to be. Examining the "Yuan Shi" (History of Yuan): In the annual tax revenue figures, silver constituted the smallest amount. Therefore, the use of silver for state taxes has only been practiced for about three or four hundred years. That is why even today, when speaking of taxes, one still refers to "qian liang" (money and grain). Money is money, grain is grain; where does silver fit in?

Alas! The harm of using silver began with the Jin dynasty. The current rulers, instead of following the pre-Tang/Song practice of using coins as the sole circulating currency, persist in the flawed system of the Jin people. How can they expect to achieve financial sufficiency? Is this not difficult? The two Guang provinces are required to pay taxes in silver simply because the region does not produce copper. If the entire empire stopped using silver, then the two Guang provinces could not use it alone either. If the two Guang provinces could not use silver alone, then their people would cease to be impoverished. Alas! In ancient times, wealth was measured solely by beans and millet. For trade, coins were reluctantly used as a measure of value. The taxes of the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou) were paid in millet, not coins. The taxes of the Han and Tang dynasties were paid in millet, coins, and silk, not silver. The use of silver began in Fujian and Guangdong because these areas had abundant mines and benefited from maritime trade. However, both mining and trade are now less prosperous than before. If silver use could be abolished throughout the fifteen provinces and directly administered areas of the empire, and transactions made entirely with coins, grain, cloth, silk, and various local products; if those in power led by example through frugality, prohibited luxury goods, eliminated extravagant crafts, valued agriculture over commerce, it would lead to gold having the same value as dirt. If this were seen again today, these words would surely not be absurd.

The silver in Fujian and Guangdong mostly comes from foreign ships. Among foreign lands, there is Luzon (modern Philippines), located south of Fujian across the sea, which produces silver. They use silver there as commonly as China uses coins. Silver from various Western countries is often transferred and concentrated there for trade purposes. Many people from Fujian and Guangdong trade for Luzon silver and bring it to Guangzhou. Brokers ("lantou") receive the silver from the ships and distribute it among the workshops of various artisans, who then price their clothing, food, and utensils accordingly. During peaceful times, merchants used the silver they obtained to trade for goods; those crossing the Meiling Pass northward did not transport bundles of silver. Thus, only thirty to forty percent of the silver in eastern Guangdong left via the Meiling Pass. Nowadays (early Qing), customs duties are numerous and heavy. Goods transported to the Wu and Chu regions (Yangtze delta, central China) and the capital often yield little profit or even result in losses. Therefore, merchants mostly transport silver out. Very little silver remains in eastern Guangdong. Hence the proverb: "Wu jian yin gui, wu qian ke ti" (Goods are cheap, silver is dear, no coins available for substitution). Generally, common people prefer using coins for trade. If those in power could replace silver with coins and completely abandon the use of silver, then silver would become like tiles and rubble (losing its special value).

Regarding silver in eastern Guangdong, in the countryside, smelting often involves large-mouthed pots, shaped like bowls but with high rims, and double bellows. In the cities, they often use arsenic to cast hard ingots, Zhangzhou ingots, and square trough ingots, but adulteration is increasingly common. Finer silver includes Chaozhou cakes, Jinglan crisp, and large and small silver coins from the "two oceans" (likely referring to Spanish/Mexican silver dollars), with purities around 95-96%. The highest purity silver includes Jiaozhi (Vietnam) silver bars and tongues. As for mountain-mined silver (shan yin), also known as "silver bamboo shoots" (yin sun) in alchemical terms, its purity is extremely high. Petty individuals in the marketplace vie to create clever counterfeits: some plate the edges with tin, some drill the belly and fill it (with base metal), some sprinkle iron sand on the surface, some embed copper in the four corners, some use white copper alloy boiled with chemicals to create "Nao silver," which is very deceptive. Therefore, for the convenience of the people, nothing is better than coins.

文化解读/分析

1. 矿产、传说与自然观：详细描述了广东（英德、清远、东莞、电白、潮州、始兴、罗浮山等地）的银矿分布、矿石形态（红如乱丝、白如草根）、伴生矿（铅）、矿脉特征（龙口、焦路）及品相（明矿、夹石矿、砂土矿）。融合了地方传说（小首山银砾、宝山银砖、纱帽山银块、潭底银瓮、山洞银版）和迷信观念（白气、银汗、银气化白马离去、神灵守护、取宝者遭祸），反映了古人对矿产资源的神秘感和敬畏之心。认为银是“精灵所秘”、“神物有归”，不可强求，体现了天人感应和宿命论思想。
2. 古代采矿冶炼技术：记述了循脉挖掘（“循龙口挖之”）、判断矿脉（“寻焦复见矿”）、矿石品类鉴别以及从铅矿中炼银、砂土矿淘洗熔炼等技术。提及乡下与城市不同的熔铸工具（大口锅、双吹 vs 砒倾硬锭、方槽），反映了当时冶银技术的地域和水平差异。
3. 货币史与经济思想：引用顾炎武观点及史料（《汉志》、《旧唐书》、《通典》、《宋史》、《金史》等），系统梳理了银从非货币到区域性货币（五岭以南、交广）再到全国性流通（尤其自金元以后）的历史演变。批判了以银为主要货币的弊端，认为其始于金朝，违背了唐宋以前以钱为主、辅以粮帛的传统，导致财政困难和民生问题。尤其指出强制两广用银纳税加剧了地方贫困（因缺铜）。
4. 区域经济与对外贸易：揭示了清初广东流通的银两重要来源是海外贸易，特别是与吕宋（菲律宾）的贸易。描述了“揽头”在广州口岸作为白银流入和分销中间人的角色。分析了关税政策对贸易模式的影响：高额关税导致商人倾向于直接运输白银北上而非商品贸易，造成广东本地“银贵物贱”和货币流通不畅。
5. 社会民生与道德反思：关注采矿业对民生的影响（“利赢则商，缩则寇”），指出矿业的风险和社会问题。谴责贪婪（“非其有而取之者为盗”），强调财富的无常和潜在危害（“银之为祟”、“多藏亦必厚亡”）。记载了“飞镪”的奇闻异事和银子被虫蛀、化水、土遁等现象，增添了其神秘色彩，也暗含对过度追求财富的警示。强烈主张恢复使用铜钱，认为其“便民”，能避免白银带来的作伪、价值波动等问题。提倡重农抑商、崇尚节俭的治国理念。
6. 白银辨伪：详细列举了当时市面上常见的白银作伪手法（荡锡、钻腹填馅、洒铁沙、钓铜角、药煮白铜为峱银），反映了商品经济发展中出现的社会问题，也为研究当时的金属工艺和造假技术提供了参考。同时提及了不同种类和成色的银（潮州饼、井栏酥、洋钱、交趾银条、山银/银笋），反映了当时白银流通的多样性。

关键词

广东新语, 屈大均, 银, 白银, 银矿, 采矿, 冶炼, 矿石, 矿脉, 广东, 岭南, 英德, 清远, 东莞, 电白, 潮州, 始兴, 罗浮山, 清代, 民俗, 传说, 货币史, 经济史, 顾炎武, 韩愈, 元稹, 吕宋, 菲律宾, 对外贸易, 关税, 钱粮, 铜钱, 银锭, 银元, 作伪, 货币流通, 重农抑商