原文

沙田

广州边海诸县，皆有沙田，顺德、新会、香山尤多。农以二月下旬，偕出沙田上结墩，墩各有墙栅二重以为固。其田高者牛犁，低者以人秧莳，至五月而毕，名曰田了，始相率还家。其佣自二月至五月谓之一春，每一人一春，主者以谷偿其值。七八月时耕者复往沙田塞水，或塞篊箔，腊其鱼、虾、蟮、蛤、螺、〈虫呈〉之属以归，盖有不可胜食者矣。其田皆一熟，或种秋分，或白露，或霜降，必兼种之。使自八月至十月，月月有收，其以八九月熟者曰小禾，秋分、白露、霜降等种是也。以十月熟者曰大禾，赤秥是也。沙田咸卤之地，多种赤秥，粒大而色红黑，味不大美，亦名大秥，皆交趾种也。其黄秥、花秥，惟内地膏腴者多种。禾既获，或贮墩中，或即舟载以返。盛平时，海无寇患，耕者不须结墩，皆以大船载人牛，合数农家居之。丧乱后，大船为官府所夺，乃始结墩地居。自癸巳迁海以来，沙田半荒，主者贱其值以与佃人，佃人耕至三年、田熟矣，又复荒之，而别佃他田以耕。盖以田荒至三年，其草大长。佃人刈草以售，每一日之功，可充十日之食。又有鱼、虾、蟮、蛤、螺、〈虫呈〉之属，生育其中，潮长辄塞篊箔取之，其利甚饶。草之未尽刈者，则燔以粪田，田得火气益长苗，而田荒之至三年又复肥沃。故佃人每耕之三年，必荒之三年，不肯为田主长耕，如数纳谷，此有沙田者之苦也。沙田既多荒弃，于是赔貱虚粮，为累未已，而阴以其田贱赁于沙头，有司捕问，则里长以沙头告。沙头乃上限状于有司，请先输粮而后获。沙头者何？总佃也。盖从田主揽出沙田，而分赁与诸佃者也。其以沙田为奇货，五分揽出，则取十分于诸佃，不俟力耕，而已收其利数倍矣。此非海滨巨猾不能胜任。当盛平时，边海人以沙田而富，故买沙田者争取沙裙。以沙裙易生浮沙，有以百亩而生至数百亩者。今则以沙田为累，半委之于莫可如何者矣。

粤之田，其濒海者，或数年或数十年，辄有浮生。势豪家名为承饷，而影占他人已熟之田为己物者，往往而有，是谓占沙。秋稼将登，则统率打手，驾大船，列刃张旗以往，多所伤杀，是谓抢割。斯二者，大为民害，顺德、香山为甚。岩野先生尝请著为令，凡浮生沙潬，悉以入官，官募民耕种，以其租为赈饥饷军之需。如有能清察报闻者，与垦田同功。此则既绝争端，又资国用，诚为长利之策。或曰：古时五岭以南皆大海，故地曰南海。其后渐为洲岛，民亦蕃焉。东莞、顺德、香山又为南海之南，洲岛日凝，与气俱积，流块所淤，往往沙潬渐高，植芦积土，数千百畮膏腴，可趼而待。而农民又辄于田边筑坝，以致封岸之田崩没，而流其泥沙至坝，以为浮生，以故争讼日甚，有司者每不能平。使能于沙田已报税者，按籍给之。无籍者即没于官，召民承买，而取其价以供公，斯则绝讼之术也。

香山土田凡五等。一曰坑田，山谷间稍低润者，垦而种之，遇涝水流沙冲压，则岁用荒歉。二曰旱田，高硬之区，潮水不及，雨则耕，旱干则弃，谓之望天田。三曰洋田，沃野平原，以得水源之先者为上。四曰咸田，西南薄海之所，咸潮伤稼，则筑堤障之，俟山溪水至而耕，然堤圮，苗则槁矣。五曰潮田，潮漫汐干，汐干而禾苗乃见。每西潦东注，流块下积，则沙坦渐高，以蕢草植其上，三年即成子田，子田成然后报税，其利颇多。然豪右寄庄者，巧立名色，指东谓西，母子相连，则横截而夺之，往往构讼，至于杀人。其或子田新生者，田主不知多寡，则佃人私以为己有，有田而无税，利之幸而得者也。故凡买潮田者，视其不至崩陷。而大势又可浮生，虽重价亦所不辞矣。香山人但以田之纳谷多少为度，不以亩为度，问其田若干，则曰纳谷若干，不曰亩若干也。以故田主寄命于田客，田主不知其田之所在。惟田客是问，礼貌稍疏，其患有不可言者。田客者何？佃人也。

白话

中文

广州府沿海各县，都有沙田，其中顺德、新会、香山（今天的中山市）尤其多。农民们在农历二月下旬，一同前往沙田上修筑土墩，每个土墩都建有两重围栏（墙栅）来加固。地势较高的田用牛来犁，地势较低的田则由人力插秧种植，到五月完成，称为“田了”（意为农活告一段落），才结伴回家。从二月到五月雇佣的工人称为“一春”，每一个“春”的工钱，雇主用谷物来支付。到了七八月份，耕种者再次前往沙田管理灌溉（塞水），或者设置竹篾渔具（篊箔），捕捞鱼、虾、鳝鱼、蛤蜊、螺、以及滩涂里的其他水产（〈虫呈〉）等腌制晾干后带回家，收获的渔产往往多得吃不完。沙田的稻谷都是一年一熟，有的在秋分时种植，有的在白露时种植，有的在霜降时种植，必须错开时间种植。这样可以保证从八月到十月，每个月都有收成。那些在八九月成熟的称为“小禾”，就是秋分、白露、霜降等节气种植的品种。在十月成熟的称为“大禾”，主要是赤秥（一种红色糯米）。沙田是盐碱地，大多种植赤秥，这种稻米颗粒大，颜色红黑，味道不太好，也叫大秥，都是从交趾（越南）引进的品种。至于黄秥、花秥（其他糯米品种），只有内陆肥沃的土地才多种植。稻谷收割后，有的储存在土墩里，有的直接用船运回。太平盛世时，海上没有盗寇，耕种者不需要修筑土墩防御，都用大船载着人和牛，几户农家合住在船上。动乱之后，大船被官府征用或抢夺，农民才开始在陆地上修筑土墩居住。自从癸巳年（清初）实行迁海政策以来，沙田半数荒芜。田主便降低地租租给佃户。佃户耕种三年，田地变得肥沃了，就又让它荒芜，转而去租种其他的荒田。这是因为田地荒芜到第三年，野草长得非常茂盛。佃户可以割草去卖，每天割草的收入，足够维持十天的口粮。而且荒田中还生长着鱼、虾、鳝鱼、蛤蜊、螺、以及其他水产，涨潮时就用篊箔捕捞，收益很丰厚。没割完的草就烧掉作为肥料（燔以粪田），田地得到火气（草木灰）更有利于禾苗生长，而且荒芜了三年的田地又恢复了肥力。所以佃户常常是耕种三年，再让田地荒芜三年，不肯为田主长期耕种并按时缴纳足额地租（谷物）。这就是拥有沙田的田主的苦恼。沙田既然大多被抛荒，于是就产生了代缴空额田赋（赔貱虚粮）的问题，成为持续的负担。田主便暗地里把田地低价转租给“沙头”。如果官府追查，里长（基层负责人）就报告是沙头在耕种。沙头于是向官府呈上文书，请求先缴纳田赋，之后再进行耕作和收获。沙头是什么人呢？就是总佃户。他们从田主那里承包下沙田，再分租给其他众多佃户。他们把沙田当作奇货可居，比如以五成的租金承包过来，却向其他佃户收取十成的租金，不用亲自耕种，就已经赚取了好几倍的利润。这种事不是海滨地区势力强大、手段狡猾的人是做不成的。在太平盛世时，沿海居民因为拥有沙田而致富，所以买沙田的人都争相购买靠近水边的“沙裙”（滩涂边缘地带）。因为沙裙容易淤积成新的沙洲（浮沙），有的田地从一百亩能增长到几百亩。如今沙田却成了负担，大半被无奈地抛弃了。

广东的田地，靠近海边的，有的几年，有的几十年，常常会有新的土地淤积生成（浮生）。有权势的地主豪强，名义上是代缴田赋（承饷），实际上却将他人已经开垦成熟的田地暗中霸占为自己的财产，这种情况时常发生，叫做“占沙”。等到秋收将近，他们就统领着打手，乘坐大船，亮出兵器，张起旗帜前往，常常伤人甚至杀人，强行收割别人的庄稼，这叫做“抢割”。这两种行为（占沙、抢割），对百姓危害极大，在顺德、香山尤其严重。岩野先生（屈大均自称或尊称他人）曾经请求制定法令：凡是新淤积生成的沙滩（浮生沙潬），全部收归官府所有。由官府招募农民耕种，收取的租金用作赈济灾民和补充军饷。如有能够查清并举报非法占据行为的人，给予与开垦荒田同等的奖励。这样做既能杜绝争端，又能增加国家财政收入，实在是长远有利的策略。也有人说：古代五岭以南都是大海，所以此地称为南海。后来逐渐形成了沙洲岛屿，人口也繁衍起来。东莞、顺德、香山又在南海郡的南部，沙洲岛屿日益淤积凝固，与天地之气一同积累，流水带来的泥沙淤积，往往使沙滩逐渐增高。在上面种植芦苇、积累土壤，就能形成数千上百亩的肥沃土地，这是可以翘首以待的。但是农民又常常在自己的田边修筑堤坝，导致堤岸内的田地（封岸之田）崩塌，泥沙流到堤坝外淤积，形成新的“浮生”之地。因此争夺土地的诉讼日益增多，主管官员常常难以公平裁决。如果能够对已经报税纳粮的沙田，按照田地登记册（田籍）确认归属；没有登记的就没收归官府，招募民众认购，收取的价款充作公用。这才是杜绝诉讼的办法。

香山县的土地大致分五等。第一种叫坑田，是山谷中地势稍低、比较湿润的地方，开垦出来种植。遇到洪水泛滥、流沙冲压，年景就会荒废歉收。第二种叫旱田，是地势高而土质坚硬的区域，潮水灌溉不到，下雨时才能耕种，天旱时就只能抛荒，所以叫做“望天田”。第三种叫洋田，是肥沃的平原，其中能优先获得水源灌溉的为上品。第四种叫咸田，在西南部靠近海边的地方，咸水潮会损害庄稼，所以要修筑堤坝来阻挡，等到山溪水来了才能耕种。然而一旦堤坝毁坏，禾苗就会枯死。第五种叫潮田，是潮水能淹没、退潮后（汐干）才能露出地面的滩涂。每当西江洪水东泄，泥沙顺流而下沉积，沙滩就逐渐增高。在上面种植蕢草（一种可编织的草），三年就能变成可以耕种纳税的“子田”（新生成的田）。子田形成后才报税，利润相当可观。但是，拥有大量田产的豪强地主（豪右寄庄者），会巧立名目，指东说西，把新生成的子田和自己原有的母田说成是相连的，从而强行霸占，常常引发诉讼，甚至闹出人命。有时新生成了子田，田主不知道具体面积，佃户就私下将其据为己有，拥有了不用纳税的田地，这是侥幸获得的利益。所以，凡是购买潮田的人，都要看这块地不容易崩塌，而且地理形势有继续淤积生成新土地（浮生）的潜力，即使价格高昂也在所不惜。香山人只以田地缴纳谷物的多少来衡量田产大小，而不以亩数计算。问他有多少田，他会说“纳谷若干”，而不说“亩若干”。因此，田主很大程度上要依赖田客（佃户）来管理田地，田主自己甚至不知道田地的具体位置，凡事都得询问田客。如果对田客礼数稍有不周，就可能引来难以言说的麻烦。田客是什么人呢？就是佃户。

英文

In the coastal counties around Guangzhou, there are "Shatian" (sand fields), particularly abundant in Shunde, Xinhui, and Xiangshan (present-day Zhongshan). Farmers go together to the Shatian in late February to build mounds ("Dun"), each reinforced with double fences ("Qiangzha"). Higher fields are plowed by oxen, while lower ones are planted with seedlings by hand ("Ren Yang Shi"). This work concludes by May, known as "Tian Le" (field work done), after which they return home together. Laborers hired from February to May are referred to as working for "Yi Chun" (one spring), and the employer pays their wages in grain for each "spring." In July and August, the cultivators return to the Shatian to manage water ("Sai Shui") or set up bamboo fish traps ("Heng Bo") to catch fish, shrimp, eels, clams, snails, and other mudflat creatures ("Chong Cheng"), which they preserve (dry or salt) and bring back home; the catch is often more than they can eat. These fields yield only one rice harvest per year. Planting occurs at different times – Autumn Equinox, White Dew, or Frost's Descent – staggered planting is necessary. This ensures a continuous harvest from August to October. Rice ripening in August or September is called "Xiao He" (small grain), referring to the varieties planted around Autumn Equinox, White Dew, and Frost's Descent. Rice ripening in October is called "Da He" (large grain), primarily "Chi Nian" (a type of red sticky rice). Shatian, being saline-alkaline land, is mostly planted with Chi Nian; its grains are large and reddish-black, the taste is not considered excellent, also known as Da Nian, and it's a variety from Champa (Vietnam). Yellow sticky rice ("Huang Nian") and flowery sticky rice ("Hua Nian") are mostly grown in fertile inland areas. After harvest, the grain is either stored in the mounds or transported back directly by boat. During peaceful times, when there were no pirates at sea, cultivators didn't need to build defensive mounds; they used large boats to carry people and oxen, with several farming families living together on board. After periods of chaos ("Sang Luan Hou"), these large boats were confiscated or seized by officials, forcing farmers to build mounds on land for dwelling. Since the coastal evacuation policy ("Qian Hai") implemented in the Gui Si year (early Qing dynasty), half of the Shatian became derelict. Landowners leased them out cheaply to tenants ("Dian Ren"). Tenants would cultivate the land for three years until it became fertile, then abandon it again to lease other derelict fields. This is because after three years of lying fallow, the wild grass grows very tall. Tenants cut and sell this grass; one day's work cutting grass can provide enough income for ten days' food. Furthermore, fish, shrimp, eels, clams, snails, and other aquatic creatures thrive in the fallow fields; tenants use traps ("Heng Bo") during high tide to catch them, yielding substantial profit. Uncut grass is burned to fertilize the field ("Fan Yi Fen Tian"); the land benefits from the "fire energy" (ash), promoting seedling growth, and after three years fallow, the land regains fertility. Therefore, tenants often cultivate for three years and let the land lie fallow for three years, unwilling to farm continuously for the landowner and pay the full rent (grain) regularly. This is the hardship faced by Shatian owners. With much Shatian abandoned, the problem of paying taxes for unproductive land ("Pei Bi Xu Liang") arose, becoming an ongoing burden. Landowners then secretly subleased the land cheaply to "Shatou." If officials investigated, the village head ("Lizhang") would report the Shatou as the cultivator. The Shatou would then submit a petition to the officials, offering to pay the taxes first before cultivating and harvesting. Who are these "Shatou"? They are general tenants ("Zong Dian"). They contract large areas of Shatian from the landowners and then sublease parcels to numerous other tenants. They treat Shatian as a speculative commodity; for instance, contracting it at 50% of the standard rent but charging the sub-tenants 100%, thus making several times the profit without doing any farming themselves. Only powerful and cunning individuals ("Haibin Juhua" - coastal rascals/strongmen) could manage this role. In prosperous times, coastal people grew wealthy from Shatian, so buyers competed fiercely for "Shaqun" (the edge of the sand flats). This was because new land ("Fu Sha" - floating sand) easily accreted there; some plots grew from 100 mu to several hundred mu. Now, however, Shatian has become a burden, much of it helplessly abandoned.

Regarding the fields in Guangdong, those near the coast often experience land accretion ("Fu Sheng" - floating life/growth) over periods of a few years or several decades. Powerful and influential families ("Shi Hao Jia"), under the pretext of undertaking tax payments ("Cheng Xiang"), would often covertly claim already cultivated fields belonging to others as their own newly accreted property; this is called "Zhan Sha" (occupying sand). When the autumn harvest approached, they would lead hired thugs ("Dashou" - hitters), arrive in large boats with weapons displayed and flags flying, often causing injuries or deaths, to forcibly seize the crops; this is called "Qiang Ge" (robbing the harvest). These two practices (Zhan Sha and Qiang Ge) were immensely harmful to the populace, particularly severe in Shunde and Xiangshan. Master Yanye (Yan Ye Xian Sheng - likely Qu Dajun himself or someone he respected) once proposed enacting a law: all newly accreted sandbanks ("Fu Sheng Sha Tan") should belong to the government. The government would recruit farmers to cultivate them, using the rent for famine relief and military supplies. Anyone who could investigate and report illegal occupations would be rewarded as if they had reclaimed wasteland. This policy would eliminate disputes and also contribute to state revenue, truly a long-term beneficial strategy. Alternatively, some say: anciently, the area south of the Five Ridges was all sea, hence the name Nanhai (South Sea). Later, islands and sandbanks gradually formed, and the population grew. Dongguan, Shunde, and Xiangshan are south of Nanhai Commandery; islands and sandbanks continued to form and consolidate ("Zhou Dao Ri Ning"), accumulating with the vital energy ("Qi"). Sediment carried by currents ("Liu Kuai Suo Yu") often caused sandbanks ("Sha Tan") to gradually rise. Planting reeds ("Lu") and accumulating soil could create thousands or hundreds of mu of fertile land ("Gao Yu"), which could be awaited patiently ("Ke Jian Er Dai" - can wait with calloused feet, i.e., inevitably). However, farmers also often built dikes ("Zhu Ba") at the edge of their fields, causing the land behind the dike ("Feng An Zhi Tian") to collapse, and its eroded soil flowed outside the dike, forming new "Fu Sheng" land. Consequently, land disputes ("Zheng Song") became increasingly frequent, and officials often struggled to mediate fairly. A proposed solution: for Shatian already registered for taxes, confirm ownership based on the land register ("An Ji Gei Zhi"). Unregistered land should be confiscated by the government ("Mo Yu Guan"), offered for public purchase ("Zhao Min Cheng Mai"), and the proceeds used for public funds ("Gong Gong"). This would be the way to end the lawsuits ("Jue Song Zhi Shu").

In Xiangshan County, land is broadly classified into five types. First is "Keng Tian" (pit field): relatively low-lying, moist land in mountain valleys, reclaimed for cultivation. Prone to crop failure ("Huang Qian") due to flooding and sand deposition during heavy rains. Second is "Han Tian" (dry field): high, hard ground beyond the reach of tides, cultivated only when it rains and abandoned during droughts, hence called "Wang Tian Tian" (sky-gazing field). Third is "Yang Tian" (expanse field): fertile plains, where land with priority access to water sources is considered superior. Fourth is "Xian Tian" (salt field): located in the southwest near the sea, where saltwater tides damage crops. Dikes ("Di Zhang") are built for protection, and cultivation relies on water from mountain streams. However, if the dikes break, the seedlings wither ("Gao"). Fifth is "Chao Tian" (tide field): tidal flats submerged at high tide and exposed ("Xi Gan") at low tide. When floods from the west flow east ("Xi Lao Dong Zhu"), sediment ("Liu Kuai") accumulates downstream, gradually raising the sand flats ("Sha Tan"). Planting Kui grass ("Kui Cao" - a type of sedge used for weaving) on it for three years turns it into taxable "Zi Tian" (child field, newly formed land). Once Zi Tian forms, it is reported for taxation, and the profits can be substantial. However, powerful absentee landlords ("Hao You Ji Zhuang Zhe") would use deceptive claims ("Qiao Li Ming Se", "Zhi Dong Wei Xi" - pointing east but meaning west, "Mu Zi Xiang Lian" - claiming connection between mother and child fields) to forcibly seize this newly formed land, often leading to lawsuits and even killings. Sometimes, when Zi Tian newly formed, the landowner was unaware of its extent, so the tenant ("Dian Ren") would secretly claim it as their own, possessing untaxed land – a benefit gained through luck. Therefore, buyers of Chao Tian look for land that is not prone to collapse and has the potential for further accretion ("Fu Sheng"), willing to pay a high price despite the risks. People in Xiangshan measure land size by the amount of grain tax paid ("Na Gu Duo Shao"), not by area in mu. If asked how much land someone has, they reply with the amount of grain tax paid ("Na Gu Ruo Gan"), not the number of mu. Consequently, landowners heavily depend on their tenants ("Tian Ke"), often not knowing the exact location of their fields. All matters are handled through the Tian Ke. If the landowner treats the Tian Ke with even slight disrespect, unspeakable troubles can arise. Who are these "Tian Ke"? They are the tenants ("Dian Ren").

文化解读/分析

此条目详细记述了清初广东珠江三角洲地区独特的“沙田”农业系统及其相关的社会经济、文化现象，具有极高的史料价值和多方面的解读意义：

1. 生态适应与农业技术：生动描绘了农民如何适应沿海滩涂盐碱、潮汐影响的环境，发展出独特的耕作方式（筑墩、牛犁与人莳结合、多时点播种以分散风险、种植耐盐碱的“赤秥”稻种）、水产捕捞（篊箔）和土地利用模式（耕三荒三、燔草为肥）。这体现了岭南地区人民因地制宜、利用和改造自然的智慧。
2. 社会变迁与经济冲击：“盛平时”与“丧乱后”、“迁海”政策前后对比，清晰展示了战乱和政府强制政策（迁海令）对沙田地区生产方式（从船居到筑墩）、土地归属（大量抛荒）和经济结构（佃农地位变化、沙头出现）的深刻影响。

3. 复杂的土地关系与社会矛盾：揭示了沙田开发中尖锐的社会矛盾。包括：

   • 地主与佃农：佃农利用“耕三荒三”的策略最大化自身利益（卖草、捕鱼、恢复地力），损害了地主收取稳定地租的利益，反映了租佃关系中的张力。
   • 土地兼并与暴力冲突：“占沙”（豪强非法侵占他人熟田）和“抢割”（武装掠夺收成）现象触目惊心，反映了地方势力的横行和法治的缺失。
   • 土地生成与产权纠纷：自然淤积（浮生）和人工筑坝造成的土地增减，引发了持续不断的产权诉讼，甚至流血冲突（“至于杀人”），凸显了土地资源的稀缺性和争夺的激烈性。
   • 中间剥削者：“沙头”（总佃）的出现，利用信息不对称和承包权进行转租盘剥，是土地关系复杂化和商业化的一种表现。
4. 地方治理与制度反思：作者不仅记录现象，还提出了治理建议（岩野先生之策、按籍定产、无籍没官），反映了士大夫阶层对民生疾苦的关怀、对社会秩序的忧虑以及对良政的追求。同时，也指出了地方官员在处理复杂土地纠纷时的困境（“每不能平”）。
5. 地方性知识与文化特色：详细记载了香山地区的土地分类（坑田、旱田、洋田、咸田、潮田）和独特的土地计量方式（以纳谷量而非亩数），以及“田客”（佃农）在当地社会经济中的特殊重要地位。这些细节是研究地方史、经济史和社会文化不可多得的材料。
6. 民俗事象：如筑墩、使用篊箔捕鱼、燔草为肥、不同节气种植不同水稻品种等，都属于地方性的生产民俗和生活经验。

总而言之，“沙田”条目不仅是一份关于特定农业类型的详细报告，更是一幅展现清初广东沿海地区生态、经济、社会、政治与文化交织互动的生动画卷，深刻反映了人地关系、社会转型期的矛盾冲突以及地方治理的挑战。

关键词

沙田, 广东, 珠江三角洲, 顺德, 新会, 香山, 农业, 滩涂, 围垦, 盐碱地, 水稻, 赤秥, 糯米, 佃农, 租佃关系, 地主, 迁海令, 土地抛荒, 沙头, 总佃户, 土地兼并, 占沙, 抢割, 土地纠纷, 浮生, 沙裙, 水利, 海堤, 税收, 虚粮, 岩野先生, 土地制度, 香山五等田, 坑田, 旱田, 洋田, 咸田, 潮田, 子田, 田客, 民俗, 地方史, 清初