原文

越

《元命苞》云：牵牛流为扬分为越国，故越号扬越，谓扬州之末土，扬之越也。《尔雅》曰：“越，扬也。”注谓发扬也，又其性轻扬也。李巡曰：“江南其气燥劲，厥性轻扬。”《太康地纪》云：“以扬州渐太阳位，天气奋扬，履正含文，故取名焉。”越又曰蛮扬，《风俗通》云：蛮，慢也，其人性慢，故又曰蛮越也。其曰百越者，以周显王时，楚子熊商大败越，越散处江南海上，各为君长也。曰勾越者，《淮南子》云：吴人语不正，言吴而加以勾也。勾，夷俗之发声也。颜师古云：吴与越音声多同，太伯自号曰勾吴，故越亦曰勾越也。大均按：春秋书于越，于亦勾也。勾践名践，勾亦语发声也。曰大越者，勾践自称其国也。曰于越者，始夏少康时。曰扬越者，始周武王时。曰荆越者，以在蛮荆之南，与长沙接壤，又当周惠王时归附于楚也。若蛮扬则始于汤也。曰南越者，吴王夫差灭越筑南越宫，故佗因其旧名，称番禺为南越也。佗自称南越武王，已而又称武帝。生而自谥为武，此蛮夷大长之陋，盖始于秦政也。当是时，梅鋗与无诸摇，皆起兵从楚灭秦，又从汉灭楚，有大功劳，不愧为勾践之子孙。顾佗倔强一隅，乘机僣窃，甘与冒顿分南劲北强以苦汉，斯诚勾践子孙之所深恶痛疾者也。盖勾践之霸，少康之余烈也。〈风日〉与无诸摇之勋，勾践之余烈也。佗非其种族，故宜其弃冠带，反天性，甘与臝国之王争雄长也。夫使南越之不得早为中邦，渐被圣化，至汉兴七十有余载，始入版图，佗诚越之罪人也。

白话

中文

关于“越”的名称来源和历史：

纬书《元命苞》说：天上的牵牛星对应地上的扬州，扬州分化出越国，所以越又号称“扬越”，意思是扬州辖区的边远末端之地，是扬州的延伸部分。《尔雅》解释说：“越，就是扬。”注解认为是发扬的意思，也指越地人的性情轻捷活泼。李巡说：“江南地区气候干燥刚劲，那里的人性情轻快飞扬。”《太康地纪》说：“因为扬州渐渐靠近太阳的位置，天气（或风气）奋发昂扬，行为端正且包含文采，所以这样取名。”越地又被称为“蛮扬”，《风俗通》解释说：“蛮”是怠慢、无礼的意思，因为那里的人性情怠慢，所以又叫“蛮越”。至于称为“百越”，是因为周显王时期，楚王熊商大败越国，越人于是分散居住在江南沿海一带，各自建立邦国，拥立首领。称为“勾越”的原因，《淮南子》说：吴国人说话发音不标准，说“吴”时会加上“勾”音。“勾”是南方民族语言习惯的发声。颜师古说：吴国和越国的语言发音很多是相同的，吴国始祖太伯自称为“勾吴”，所以越国也叫“勾越”。我（屈大均）认为：《春秋》记载越国为“于越”，“于”也就是“勾”的意思。越王勾践名字叫“践”，“勾”也是他名字前的发语词。称为“大越”，是勾践对自己国家的称呼。称为“于越”，始于夏朝的少康时代。称为“扬越”，始于周武王时代。称为“荆越”，是因为它位于楚国（蛮荆）的南方，与长沙郡接壤，并且在周惠王时期归附了楚国。至于“蛮扬”的称呼，则始于商汤时代。称为“南越”，是因为吴王夫差灭亡越国后，曾修筑南越宫，所以后来赵佗沿用这个旧名，称以番禺为中心的政权为南越。赵佗自称南越武王，不久后又称武帝。活着就给自己定谥号为“武”，这是南方边远部族首领的陋习，大概是从秦始皇开始的。在那个时候，梅鋗和闽越王无诸、东海王摇，都曾起兵跟随楚国灭亡秦朝，又跟随汉朝灭亡楚国，立有很大功劳，不愧是越王勾践的子孙。反观赵佗，固守一方，乘着时机混乱僭越称帝，甘心与匈奴的冒顿单于分别在南方和北方逞强，给汉朝造成困扰，这实在是勾践子孙们所深恶痛绝的行为。要知道，勾践能够称霸，是继承了夏朝少康的遗业。梅鋗、无诸和摇的功勋，也是勾践遗风的体现。赵佗并非越人同族，所以他才会抛弃中原的衣冠礼制，违背（趋向文明的）天性，甘愿与那些半裸陋俗的首领争强好胜。正是因为赵佗，使得南越地区不能早日归入中原王朝，逐渐接受文明教化，直到汉朝建立七十多年后才被纳入版图，赵佗实在是越地的罪人啊。

英文

Regarding the origin and history of the name "Yue":

The apocryphal text Yuan Ming Bao states: The celestial Altair star corresponds to Yangzhou on Earth, and Yangzhou gave rise to the state of Yue. Therefore, Yue was also called "Yang Yue," meaning the remote periphery of the Yangzhou region, an extension of Yangzhou. The Erya dictionary explains: "Yue means Yang." Annotations suggest it means "to spread forth" or refers to the lively and agile nature of the Yue people. Li Xun said: "The climate in Jiangnan (south of the Yangtze) is dry and strong, and the people's temperament is light and spirited." The Taikan Diji (Geographical Records of the Taikang Era) says: "Because Yangzhou gradually approaches the position of the sun, its atmosphere (or ethos) is vigorous and rising; its conduct is upright and contains cultural refinement, hence the name." Yue was also called "Man Yang." The Fengsu Tong (Comprehensive Meaning of Customs) explains: "Man" means slow, disrespectful, or rude, because the people there had a disrespectful nature, so it was also called "Man Yue." As for the term "Baiyue" (Hundred Yue), it arose during the reign of King Xian of Zhou when King Xiong Shang of Chu heavily defeated the state of Yue. The Yue people then scattered and lived along the coast south of the Yangtze, each group establishing its own statelet and leader. Regarding the name "Gou Yue," the Huainanzi says: The speech of the Wu people was incorrect; when saying "Wu," they added the sound "Gou." "Gou" was a phonetic habit in the dialects of the southern peoples ("Yi"). Yan Shigu commented: The pronunciations of Wu and Yue were largely similar; Taibo, the ancestor of Wu, called himself "Gou Wu," hence Yue was also called "Gou Yue." I (Qu Dajun) note: The Spring and Autumn Annals record Yue as "Yu Yue"; "Yu" also means "Gou." King Goujian's given name was Jian; "Gou" was also a particle preceding his name. The term "Da Yue" (Great Yue) was what Goujian called his own state. The name "Yu Yue" originated in the time of Shao Kang of the Xia dynasty. "Yang Yue" began in the time of King Wu of the Zhou dynasty. "Jing Yue" referred to the Yue region south of Chu (Man Jing), bordering Changsha Commandery, which submitted to Chu during the reign of King Hui of Zhou. The term "Man Yang" dates back to the time of King Tang of the Shang dynasty. The name "Nanyue" (Southern Yue) came about because King Fuchai of Wu, after conquering Yue, built a Nanyue Palace. Therefore, Zhao Tuo later used this old name, calling his regime centered in Panyu "Nanyue." Zhao Tuo proclaimed himself King Wu of Nanyue and later Emperor Wu. Giving himself the posthumous title "Wu" while still alive was a vulgar practice of southern tribal chiefs ("Manyi"), likely originating with Qin Shi Huang. At that time, Mei Xuan, Wuzhu (King of Minyue), and Yao (King of Donghai) all raised troops to follow Chu in destroying the Qin dynasty, and then followed the Han in destroying Chu. They achieved great merits and were worthy descendants of King Goujian of Yue. In contrast, Zhao Tuo stubbornly held a corner, seized the opportunity to usurp titles, and willingly joined with Modu Chanyu of the Xiongnu to challenge the Han dynasty, with Nanyue strong in the south and Xiongnu strong in the north, causing trouble for Han. This behavior was truly detested by the descendants of Goujian. Indeed, Goujian's hegemony was a continuation of the legacy of Shao Kang of Xia. The meritorious deeds of Mei Xuan, Wuzhu, and Yao were also continuations of Goujian's legacy. Zhao Tuo was not of the same lineage ("race/kindred"); thus, it was fitting that he abandoned the caps and gowns (symbols of Chinese civilization), went against natural inclination (towards civilization), and willingly competed for supremacy with chiefs of half-naked, uncivilized states. It was Zhao Tuo who prevented the Nanyue region from becoming part of the central kingdom ("Zhong Bang") earlier and gradually receiving civilizing influence ("Sheng Hua"). Only more than seventy years after the founding of the Han dynasty was it incorporated into the empire. Zhao Tuo was truly a criminal ("sinner") against the Yue lands.

文化解读/分析

本条目集中考证了“越”这一名称的多种来源、写法和历史指涉，并将这些历史名称与岭南地区（特别是南越国）联系起来，体现了屈大均对岭南历史渊源的追溯和文化定位的思考。

1. 名称考源与文化谱系构建：作者引经据典，罗列了“扬越”、“蛮扬”、“蛮越”、“百越”、“勾越”、“于越”、“大越”、“荆越”、“南越”等多个与“越”相关的名称，试图从词源学（如“越”通“扬”，指性情或方位）、语音学（如“勾”为发语词或方音）、历史事件（如楚败越致“百越”分散，夫差筑宫名“南越”）等多个维度，为“越”及其所代表的地域和人群建立一个复杂的历史文化谱系。这体现了清代学者的考据学风。
2. 华夏中心视角下的地方认同：文中对“越”的描述，如“扬州之末土”、“蛮”、“夷俗”、“性轻扬”等，带有明显的华夏中心主义色彩，将越地视为中原文化的边缘或相对“落后”的区域。然而，通过将越（特别是勾践）的历史上溯至夏商周三代（少康、武王、汤），又试图将其纳入更广阔的华夏历史叙事框架内。
3. 对南越国赵佗的评价：屈大均对南越王赵佗持强烈的批判态度，指责其“僭越”、“弃冠带”、“反天性”，并将其与忠于汉室、被视为“勾践子孙”的梅鋗、无诸、摇等人对比。他认为赵佗的割据自立，不仅是道德上的“陋”，更是阻碍岭南接受中原“圣化”、融入统一国家进程的“罪人”。这种评价反映了清初大一统思想下，对地方割据势力的否定，以及对岭南最终归入中央版图这一历史进程的肯定。作者将赵佗视为“非其种族”，可能也隐含着一种文化上的切割，即认为赵佗的行为不符合“越”作为华夏文明圈一部分（即使是边缘）应有的发展方向。
4. 岭南历史地位的论述：通过对“越”的溯源和对赵佗的批判，屈大均实际上是在论述岭南地区的历史地位：它源远流长，与中原早期王朝有着千丝万缕的联系；它曾经历过与中原不同的发展路径（如南越国），但在作者看来，其最终归宿是融入统一的中华帝国。这种论述服务于构建一种既承认岭南独特性，又强调其最终归于统一的“广东观”或“岭南观”。

关键词

越, 扬越, 百越, 勾越, 南越, 岭南, 广东, 地名考释, 词源, 历史地理, 屈大均, 广东新语, 赵佗, 南越国, 勾践, 华夏中心观, 文化认同, 民族融合, 考据