原文
南越初起
秦以桂林、南海、象三郡，非三十六郡之限，乃置南海尉以典之，所谓东南一尉也。嚣始为南海尉，佗为令，仅治龙川。秦之报佗也薄矣，然五岭以南，广运万里，秦直以三郡制之，亦疏矣。
秦略定扬越，以谪徙民与越杂处。扬越盖自古迁谪之乡也，他日任嚣谓佗曰：“颇有中国人相辅。”中国人，即谪徙民也。佗之王，秦实资之，谪徙民得依佗以长子孙，与三千童男侲女，依徐福以安居海上，免于中原之锋镝，秦之德也。为秦留其遗民，非仙人不可，惜安期生计不出此，徒以一身逍遥于菖蒲之涧也。
秦以侲男女三千人与徐福，而百姓悲痛相思，欲为乱者十家而六，以女无夫家者万五千人与尉佗，而百姓离心瓦解，欲为乱者十家而七。然则徐福、尉佗，皆秦之陈胜也。
尉佗初起，移檄告横浦、阳山、湟溪关曰：“盗兵且至，急绝道，聚兵自守。”当是时，秦人皆以诸侯兵为盗，谓诸侯之客亦曰盗，史迁据而书之。始皇至博浪沙，为张良所击，而迁书之曰“为盗所击”。微行至兰池见窘，复书之曰“逢盗”。此盗不知何人，视良与荆轲、渐离似胜之，惜迁失其名氏。嗟夫。能为始皇之盗者，豪杰也，书盗亦荣甚矣。如佗者，假秦之土地甲兵以自王，乃真始皇之盗耳。
白话
中文
南越国的初建
秦朝认为桂林、南海、象郡这三个郡，不属于内地三十六郡的范围，于是设置南海郡尉来管理，这就是所谓的“东南一尉”。任嚣最初担任南海郡尉，赵佗担任龙川县令，仅仅治理龙川一地。秦朝给赵佗的待遇算是很微薄了。然而，五岭以南，地域广达万里，秦朝却只用三个郡来管辖它，也实在是太疏略了。
秦朝大致平定了扬越地区后，将发配流放的罪人（谪徙民）迁移到这里，与越族人混居。扬越地区大概自古以来就是流放罪人的地方。后来任嚣对赵佗说：“颇有我们中原人可以帮助你。”这里说的“中国人”，指的就是那些被流放来的人。赵佗能够称王，实际上是依靠了秦朝的资源，那些被流放的人也得以依靠赵佗来繁衍子孙后代。这和当年三千童男童女跟随徐福到海上安居，从而免于中原战火的情况相似，可以说是秦朝的恩德。要为秦朝保全这些遗民，恐怕非得有仙人的能力不可，可惜安期生未能想出这样的计策，只是独自一人在菖蒲涧中逍遥自在。
秦朝将三千童男童女交给徐福，导致百姓悲痛相思，十家中就有六家想要作乱；秦朝又将一万五千名没有夫家的女子交给尉佗（赵佗），导致百姓离心瓦解，十家中就有七家想要作乱。如此看来，徐福和尉佗，都可以算是秦朝的陈胜（秦末农民起义领袖）了。
赵佗最初起事时，发布文告给横浦、阳山、湟溪关等地，说：“盗贼军队将要到来，赶快断绝道路，集结兵力自我防守。”在当时，秦朝人都把各诸侯反叛的军队称为“盗贼”，把诸侯的门客也称为“盗贼”，司马迁便依据这种说法记载了下来。秦始皇到博浪沙时，被张良袭击，司马迁记载为“被盗贼袭击”。秦始皇微服出行到兰池遇到困境，又记载为“遇到盗贼”。这些“盗贼”不知是什么人，看起来比张良、荆轲、高渐离等人还要厉害，可惜司马迁没有记载下他们的姓名。唉！能够成为秦始皇的“盗贼”，必定是英雄豪杰，被记载为“盗贼”也是非常荣耀的了。像赵佗这样的人，凭借秦朝的土地和军队来建立自己的王国，才是秦始皇真正的“盗贼”啊。
英文
The Beginning of Nanyue
The Qin Dynasty considered the three commanderies of Guilin, Nanhai, and Xiang to be outside the limit of its thirty-six core commanderies. Therefore, it established the position of Commandant of Nanhai to govern them, known as the "single Commandant of the Southeast." Ren Xiao initially served as the Commandant of Nanhai, while Zhao Tuo served as the Magistrate of Longchuan, governing only that area. The Qin's reward for Zhao Tuo was meager indeed. However, the region south of the Five Ridges spanned ten thousand li, yet the Qin governed it with merely three commanderies, which was truly negligent.
After generally pacifying the Yangyue region, the Qin relocated convicts ("zhéxǐmín") to live among the Yue people. The Yangyue region had likely been a place of exile since ancient times. Later, Ren Xiao said to Zhao Tuo, "There are quite a few Central Plains people ('Zhōngguórén') to assist you." These "Central Plains people" referred to the exiled convicts. Zhao Tuo's rise to kingship was actually aided by Qin resources, and these exiles were able to rely on Zhao Tuo to raise their families and descendants. This was similar to the three thousand young boys and girls who followed Xu Fu to settle peacefully overseas, escaping the warfare of the Central Plains, which could be seen as a benevolent act by the Qin. To preserve these remnants of the Qin population would require the ability of an immortal; it is a pity that Anqi Sheng did not devise such a plan, merely seeking personal leisure in the iris ravines.
The Qin gave three thousand young boys and girls to Xu Fu, causing grief and longing among the populace, with six out of ten families desiring rebellion. The Qin also gave fifteen thousand unmarried women to Wei Tuo (Zhao Tuo), causing the people's loyalty to disintegrate, with seven out of ten families desiring rebellion. From this perspective, Xu Fu and Wei Tuo were both, in effect, the Qin Dynasty's Chen Sheng (leader of the peasant uprising at the end of the Qin).
When Zhao Tuo initially made his move, he issued proclamations to the passes at Hengpu, Yangshan, and Huangxi, stating: "Bandit troops are about to arrive; quickly block the roads, gather your forces, and defend yourselves." At that time, the Qin people referred to the rebelling feudal lords' armies as "bandits" (dàobīng), and also called the lords' retainers "bandits." Sima Qian recorded events based on this terminology. When Emperor Qin Shi Huang reached Bolangsha and was attacked by Zhang Liang, Sima Qian recorded it as "attacked by bandits." When the emperor traveled incognito to Lanchi and encountered trouble, it was again recorded as "encountered bandits." It is unknown who these "bandits" were; they seem more formidable than Zhang Liang, Jing Ke, or Gao Jianli, yet it is regrettable that Sima Qian failed to record their names. Alas! Those who could act as "bandits" against Qin Shi Huang must have been heroes and outstanding figures; being recorded as a "bandit" was indeed a great honor. Someone like Zhao Tuo, who used the Qin's land and army to establish his own kingdom, was the true "bandit" of Qin Shi Huang.
文化解读/分析
本段记述了南越国建立的背景和赵佗崛起的早期过程，体现了屈大均对岭南历史的深刻理解和独特评述。
- 历史视角与评价：屈大均并未简单地将赵佗视为割据者，而是分析了秦朝经略岭南的疏忽（“疏矣”）、对赵佗待遇微薄（“薄矣”）等因素，为赵佗的崛起提供了历史背景。同时，他将赵佗与徐福、陈胜类比，指出其行为虽导致秦朝“百姓离心瓦解”，但也为迁徙到岭南的中原人（“谪徙民”）提供了生存空间，使其免受战乱，暗含对赵佗功过的复杂评价。
- “中国人”与族群认同：文中任嚣所言“颇有中国人相辅”，此处的“中国人”特指从中原迁徙而来的秦人（包括谪徙民），与本地的“越人”相区分。这反映了秦汉时期岭南地区族群构成和早期华夏认同在边疆地区的体现。这些“中国人”成为赵佗建立南越国的重要力量来源。
- “盗”的重新诠释：屈大均特别分析了秦朝语境下“盗”的含义，指出其常被用来指称反抗者和诸侯军队。他借司马迁《史记》的记载，将张良等反秦义士称为“盗”，并感叹“能为始皇之盗者，豪杰也，书盗亦荣甚矣”。最后，他将利用秦朝资源自立为王的赵佗称为“真始皇之盗”，这既是一种讽刺，也带有对赵佗枭雄身份的某种承认，体现了作者独特的史观和价值判断。
- 地方叙事与文化记忆：作为岭南文化的代表人物，屈大均通过对南越国开端历史的叙述，构建了关于岭南地方起源和发展的重要篇章。他对赵佗等历史人物的评价，以及对秦朝经略南方政策的分析，都融入了地方知识分子的视角，是岭南文化记忆和历史认同建构的一部分。这段文字不仅是历史记述，也蕴含了对地方历史复杂性的理解和阐释。
关键词
南越, 赵佗, 屈大均, 广东新语, 秦朝, 岭南, 任嚣, 谪徙民, 徐福, 陈胜, 史记, 盗, 历史评价, 族群认同, 地方史